العماد عون التقى برلمانيا ايطاليا وهيئة متابعة قضية الامام وصحبه
يعقوب: وصلنا الى أمور كثيرة تستوجب المتابعة

(أ.ل) - التقى رئيس "تكتل التغيير والاصلاح" النائب العماد ميشال عون، قبل ظهر اليوم في دارته في الرابية، الهيئة اللبنانية لمتابعة قضية سماحة الامام وصحبه والتي تضم: النائب السابق حسن يعقوب، المستشار السياسي للامام الصدر وعضو مكتبه السياسي السيد محمد سعد، عقل حمية صاحب ومدير وكالة "أخبار لبنان" الزميل الصحفي زاهر عباس بدر الدين.
يعقوب
وبعد اللقاء، قال النائب السابق يعقوب: "قضية سماحة الامام السيد موسى الصدر وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب والأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين تعني الجنرال عون وكل اللبنانيين عموما باعتبارها قضية وطنية انسانية.
"تكتل التغيير والاصلاح" كان يعتبرها ولا يزال قضية مركزية، والجنرال عون نفسه يولي هذه القضية الاهتمام الاقصى ويعتبر ان شبكة المصادر التي تحالفت في تغييب "إخفاء" الامام واخويه هي نفسها التي تقاتل الكيان اللبناني وتواجه العيش الواحد في لبنان. وهي نفسها ربما من تقف وراء "داعش" وفي شبكة المصالح والخلفية نفسها التي تتصدى للحق والنور والضوء".
واضاف "تباحثنا في آخر مستجدات هذه القضية وتداولنا في ما يتعلق بابقائها قضية دائمة على ان تتابع عملها جديا. من هذا المنطلق، سيتابع الموضوع عبر وزارة الخارجية. واكد الجنرال انه سيبحث في كل تفاصيل هذا الامر بكل الاتجاهات كي يصل الى عودة المغيبين.
وقال: "هذا اللقاء عقد بعنوان الهيئة اللبنانية لمتابعة قضية الامام وصحبه وهي ستضغط على كل الصعد وبكل الاتجاهات وتعمل بشكل جدي خارج الاطر اللبنانية ايضا".
وقال ردا على سؤال: "هناك سباق مع الزمن و36 عاما هي ظلم كبير ودليل على الاهمال المتمادي لهذه القضية والفشل الذريع. علينا ان نستعجل لاستلحاق من يبقى بمن له علاقة او من هو متورط في هذا الملف".
وأوضح ردا على سؤال آخر اننا "وصلنا الى امور كثيرة تجب متابعتها ونطلب التعاون من الجميع للوصول الى ما نريده".
سعد
اما سعد، فقال: "عام 1978 حدثت جريمتان: الاولى احتلال الجيش الاسرائيلي للجنوب والثانية تغييب "إخفاء" سماحة الامام السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب الجريمة الاولى حصلت مباشرة وعلى المكشوف على يد الجيش الاسرائيلي. اما الثانية فحدثت بالاسماء والمجرم نفسه ولكن بالاستبداد.
ومن ذلك اليوم، تحاول اسرائيل ان توزع الاتهامات لتبقى بعيدة عن التهمة. المجرم يهمه ان يتهم غيره. نحن منذ 1978 مستهدفون من هذا العدو الصهيوني والادوات كثيرة في العالم العربي وهي التي مارست الخطف وتغييب "إخفاء" لقضية الامام وخطه بأمر من العدو. سنواجه بشكل غير مباشر اشخاصا تحركهم اسرائيل كلما تحرك احد منا. ستحاول اسرائيل توزيع الاتهامات لتغيير البوصلة. قال لنا الامام موسى الصدر الا نغير هذه البوصلة، فعدونا اسرائيل وكل من يحاول ان يعوق عملنا فنقول له: عدونا واحد، اسرائيل خاطفة إمامنا واجتاحت جنوبنا".
رئيس لجنة الدفاع الايطالية
ثم التقى العماد ميشال عون رئيس لجنة الدفاع في مجلس الشيوخ الايطالي السيناتور نيكولا لاتوري، في حضور السفير الايطالي جيوسيبي مورابيتو.-انتهى-
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شهادات استثمار قناة السويس الجديدة في البنوك المصرية غداً

مجلس الوزراء ناقش عرض علي حسن خليل عن الوضع المالي
ويعقد جلسة الخميس لمتابعة الوضع الامني

(أ.ل) - عقد مجلس الوزراء جلسة خاصة له اليوم في السراي الحكومي برئاسة الرئيس تمام سلام وفي غياب الوزراء: ميشال فرعون، جبران باسيل، غازي زعيتر وارتور نظريان.
وخصصت الجلسة للبحث في الوضع المالي حيث استمع المجلس من وزير المال علي حسن خليل الى شرح مسهب عن الاوضاع المالية في البلاد.
بعد الجلسة، التي استمرت قرابة الساعة ونصف الساعة، قال وزير الإعلام رمزي جريج: "استهل الرئيس سلام الجلسة بالحديث عما نشهده حاليا من أوضاع غير مريحة، ولا سيما على الصعيد الأمني الذي هو موضع متابعة وتشاور مستمرين من قبل الحكومة من أجل مواكبة المستجدات، وأنه سيتم عرض هذا الموضوع في الجلسة التي سيعقدها مجلس الوزراء يوم الخميس المقبل، وأوضح دولة الرئيس ان جلسة اليوم مخصصة فقط لعرض الوضع المالي".
أضاف "على الأثر، قام وزير المالية بعرض مفصل للأوضاع المالية، مبينا بالأرقام معدلات النمو والمبالغ العائدة لخدمة الدين مع كلفة الفوائد والرواتب. وشرح الوزير في عرضه غياب إقرار الموازنات منذ العام 2005، كما عرض جدول الإيرادات خلال السنوات الأربعة الأخيرة والتي سجلت أرقاما مستقرة، مبينا أرقام الزيادة في العجز الناتجة عن الزيادة في الإنفاق وثبات الإيرادت وكيفية تمويل هذا العجز من خلال إصدار سندات خزينة ويوروبوند.
وتابع "ختم الوزير عرضه بتقديم بعض المقترحات والتوصيات من أجل تخفيض نسبة العجز وزيادة الواردات، مبينا ضرورة وضع، وبسرعة، قانون بالترخيص بإصدار سندات بالعملة الأجنبية".
وختم جريج "بعد ذلك، ناقش المجلس العرض المقدم من وزير المالية فأبدى بعض الوزراء ملاحظات في صدده".-انتهى-
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شقير أسف لفقدان روفايل: رحيله خسارة للبنان والقطاع المصرفي

(أ.ل) -اسف رئيس اتحاد غرف التجارة والصناعة والزراعة في لبنان رئيس غرفة بيروت وجبل لبنان محمد شقير في بيان لوفاة رئيس مجلس إدارة مجموعة البنك اللبناني - الفرنسي ومديرها العام الوزير السابق فريد روفايل.
وقال "يفقد لبنان اليوم شخصية وطنية واقتصادية ومصرفية مميزة، لعبت دورا كبيرا في الحياة السياسية وفي تدعيم ركائز القطاع المصرفي وتطويره".
واضاف "لقد ساهم روفايل بشكل كبير، من خلال علاقاته وادائه المتميز والمناصب الوزارية التي تولاها وترؤسه جمعية المصارف، في خدمة بلده والاقتصاد الوطني خصوصا تعزيز وتنمية العلاقات الاقتصادية اللبنانية - الفرنسية"، مؤكدا "ان رحيله هو خسارة للبنان والقطاع المصرفي كبيرة".-انتهى-
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رئيس المجلس الوطني للإعلام في لقاء اعلامي تضامني مع غزة في الغبيري
والاعلان عن قافلة اعلامية لدخول القطاع واعداد تقارير عن واقعه
عبد الهادي محفوظ: المقاومة هي الخيار لانتزاع أي مكاسب من العدو

(أ.ل) - نظم "اللقاء الاعلامي اللبناني" و "جمعية الصداقة الفلسطينية - الايرانية"، لقاء اعلاميا تضامنيا مع غزة، بعنوان "التحية للاعلام المقاوم ودوره في الصمود والانتصار"، في المركز الثقافي لبلدية الغبيري - قاعة رسالات، في حضورالسكرتير الاول في السفارة الايرانية مسعود صابري زادا ممثلا السفارة الايرانية، رئيس المجلس الوطني للاعلام عبد الهادي محفوظ، ممثل الامين العام لاتحاد المحامين العرب ابراهيم عواضة، رئيس اللقاء الاعلامي اللبناني غسان جواد وحشد من الزملاء الاعلاميين وشخصيات ثقافية واعلامية واجتماعية.
محفوظ
بعد النشيدين اللبناني والفلسطيني، القى محفوظ كلمة قال فيها: "صمود ومقاومة غزة والدروس المستفادة أهم دروس صمود غزة ونجاحها في عدم السماح للعدو الإسرائيلي في تحقيق أهدافه هي الوحدة الوطنية الفلسطينية ومشاركة كل الفصائل الفلسطينية في القتال إلى جانب "حماس". نعم انتصرت الوحدة الفلسطينية وتغلبت على عناصر الإنقسام السياسي والأيديولوجي وخرَّبت الحسابات الإسرائيلية التي كانت ترمي إلى عزل حماس وتحميلها مسؤولية تدمير البنية التحتية للمدينة المحاصرة وتهجير سكانها وهدم بيوتها"، معتبرا ان "الفضل في الإنتصار في غزة هو لهذه الوحدة الوطنية وتماسك الشعب الفلسطيني. وهذا مثال يفترض أن نأخذه في الإعتبار في حساباتنا اللبنانية الداخلية حيث لا زلنا نقدِّم الإعتبارات الطوائفية الضيقة على المصالح الوطنية الجامعة".
واوضح ان "فلسطين كلنت دائما البوصلة لصحة الموقف من عدمه. وحرب غزة الأخيرة أعادت الإعتبار لهذه البوصلة. فقد تبيَّن بالملموس أن المقاومة هي الخيار لانتزاع أي مكاسب من العدو. فالتفاوض إذا لم يكن مسنودا بأوراق القوة يؤدي حتما إلى تنازلات جوهرية وبنيوية. وهذا ما أنتجته اتفاقات "أوسلو". لقد أفشلت حرب غزة كل ما كانت تطمح إسرائيل إلى تحقيقه وخصوصا تجريد المدينة من الصواريخ والسلاح الثقيل الذي أثبت فعالية غير محدودة في "توازن الرعب" رغم الفارق في القوة وفي التشكيك بجدوى الإستيطان وبتعطيل الإقتصاد الإسرائيلي بنسب كبيرة وبوقف السياحة وبإسقاط صورة الجيش السرائيلي الذي لا يهزم".
واذ سأل: "ماذا يعني انتصار غزة؟"، قال: "سقوط الرهانات الإسرائيلية على الخلافات الفلسطينية - الفلسطينية وفتح المعابر وهو ضرورة كرَّسها الإنتصار وتحتاجها إعادة بناء غزة خارج الشروط الدولية التي كانت تربط بين عمليات البناء ووقف المقاومة، ووحدة الفصائل الفلسطينية في القتال لا ينبغي أن تتوقف على لحظات المواجهة مع العدو بل ينبغي ترجمتها إلى برامج سياسية وعسكرية وإلى عمل تنظيمي وإلى شراكة حقيقية بحيث تكرِّس حماس والجهاد وفتح والجبهة الشعبية والجبهة الديموقراطية والجبهة الشعبية القيادة العامة شراكة حقيقية، بحيث لا يتم إلغاء أحد أو تهميشه أو استبعاده، وفي هذا السياق تفعيل منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية".
اضاف "أثبت الإعلام الفلسطيني في غزة أنه نجح في ايصال رسالة الجرائم الإسرائيلية إلى العالم ككل. ولذلك كان هدفا عسكريا اسرائيليا وسقط له شهداء وشكل رديفا فعليا للمقاومة العسكرية وكان عاملا رئيسيا في صمود السكان ولا شك أنه لأول مرة وبسبب ما تداولته المؤسسات المرئية الغربية ومواقع التواصل الإجتماعي من صور عن الدمار وأطفال غزة، كان هناك تحول في الرأي العام الغربي لصالح القضية الفلسطينية وكان هناك تظاهرات احتجاج في أكثر من عاصمة غربية، وهنا ينبغي استثمار هذه الظاهرة إعلاميا ومد جسور التواصل مع المؤسسات الإعلامية الغربية ومواقع التواصل. ما يهمنا لبنانيا هو أن تتلاقى النخب الإعلامية والسياسية والإجتماعية من الجانبين الفلسطيني واللبناني وأن تركز على ما يجمع بين الشعبين اللبناني والفلسطيني وعلى الأطماع الإسرائيلية بأرض لبنان ومياهه وما يفترض ذلك من تنسيق لبناني - فلسطيني ومن استبعاد لكل ما يفرِّق وللتركيز على وحدة القيم في الإسلام والمسيحية وعلى استبعاد الفهم الخاطئ من بعض التنظيمات الدينية المتطرفة للنص الديني".
وختم "قد يكون من المفيد عقد لقاءات مستمرة بين المقاومتين الفلسطينية واللبنانية لمعالجة كل طارئ، كما أن تطورات الأوضاع في المنطقة وبروز تنظيمات إسلامية متطرفة يفترض التنسيق بين حزب الله وحماس على أكثر من صعيد ومستوى. وأخيرا باسمكم وباسم الإعلام اللبناني تحية لغزة وصمودها. وتحية لشهدائها الذين هم منارات تضيء لنا الطريق".
جواد
ثم القى جواد كلمة اللقاء، فقال: "نجتمع اليوم لاجل فلسطين وغزة، من اعلاميين ونخب ثقافية واجتماعية ودبلوماسية وسياسية لكي نؤكد فكرة الوحدة التي تجلت بأجمل صورها في المقاومة وادائها في فلسطين في غزة من جميع الفصائل الفلسطينية مجتمعين في كلمة ورصاصة وصاروخا واحدا في وجه الاحتلال. وايضا في مرحلة التفاوض التي جرت في القاهرة والتي تجلت بعوامل القوة الفلسطينية من التفاوض وفي تحقيق مكتسبات للشعب الفلسطيني والمقاومة".
ورأى ان "هذه الوحدة للوفد الفلسطيني امام مقاومة عسكرية محترفة ومقاومة سياسية محترفة مبنية على فكرة الوحدة، والمصالحة بين الاخوة الفلسطينيين وعودة الوحدة بين الفلسطينيين، سوف ترفع من شأن هذه القضية الفلسطينية في توحيدنا جميعا لاننا الهدف الاساسي والبوصلة الاساسية".
بشتاوي
والقى حمزة بشتاوي كلمة "جمعية الصداقة الفلسطينية الايرانية"، شكر فيها الحضور على وفائهم للقدس وفلسطين وغزة، كما شكر الجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية "شعبا وقادة الذين منذ انتصار ثورتهم عام 79، كانوا على درب فلسطين والقدس والعدالة والحرية في مواجهة الظلم والصهيونية".
اضاف "هذا اللقاء التضامني الاعلامي مع غزة، جاء تتويجا لنصر غزة التي انتصرت استنادا الى سلاح المقاومة، كما لبنان صنع النصر بسلاحه وشروطه وابنائه بسلاح المقاومة التضامن مع غزة هو لتسليح الضفة الغربية التي ستكون كما غزة على درب الانتصارات والقدس وفلسطين"، مطالبا الاعلام "ان يكون اعلاما مقاوما".
 
مرة
والقى ممثل "قناة الاقصى" في بيروت رأفت مرة كلمة شكر فيها كل الاعلاميين "باسم فلسطين والمقاومين والشهداء والجرحى والاسرى والمعتقلين في سجون الاحتلال كل الاعلاميين الذين وقفوا الى جانب الحق والحرية والعدالة والصمود والتضحية والوفاء"، معتبرا ان "الاعلاميين هم جزء اساسي في هذه المعركة وشركاء في القضية الفلسطينية ومعركة التحرير والمقاومة والعودة"، لافتا الى ان "معركة غزة فتحت الباب امام ازالة هذا الكيان الصهيوني في المنطقة بالوحدة والتعاون والتفاهم والتنسيق المشترك كمقاومة واسلاميين ومسيحيين حول فلسطين والقدس".     زادة
ثم القى زادة كلمة، اكد فيها ان ايران "شعبا وحكومة تشعر ببالغ الارتياح وهي ترى انطلاقة المسيرة نحو تحقيق الوعود التي اطلقها الامام الخميني الراحل حول زوال الكيان الصهيوني المحتل"، معتبرا ان "الانتكاسات والهزائم التي لحقت بهذا الكيان الزائف منذ العام 2000 قد اثبتت بان الشعوب لا بد ان تشهد النصر الالهي متى ما عقدت العزم على التصدي للعدوان مستفيدة من نهج المقاومة".
ورأى ان "الانتصار الاخير في غزة كان نتيجة الاتكال على الخالق العظيم والتلاحم بين فصائل المقاومة وتضامن الجماهير مع المجاهدين، والنشاط الاعلامي الكبير الذي مارسه حماة التحرير والمقاومة لايصال الحقيقة الى شعوب العالم، ولجوء الاخوة في المقاومة الفلسطينية الى الاستفادة من النموذج القتالي للاخوة في المقاومة الاسلامية في لبنان والعمل من اجل الوصول الى الاكتفاء الذاتي في التصنيع العسكري وتحقيق تقدم في اطلاق الصواريخ باتجاه العدو وفي اخفاء الطاقات والامكانيات البشرية".
اضاف "من هنا لا بد من القول ان الشعب الايراني من خلال حراكه الشعبي والمسؤولين في الجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية من خلال حراكهم الدبلوماسي على كل الصعد، كانوا قد وقفوا الى جانب الشعب الفلسطيني المظلوم منذ اليوم الاول للحرب على غزة، وبناء على واجبهم الاسلامي والانساني وانتصارا للفلسطينيين في الحفاظ على كرامتهم ووطنهم".
وامل ان "تأتي الانجازات السياسية والدبلوماسية التي يحققونها المسؤولون الفلسطينيون مكملة للانجازات الميدانية العظيمة التي تحققت في غزة وحافظة لها"، سائلا "الله تعالى الرحمة للشهداء الذين سقطوا في الحرب الاخيرة والشفاء العاجل للجرحى والمصابين، مؤكدين مرة اخرى استعداد الجمهورية الاسلامية الايرانية ارسال المساعدات الغذائية والدواء الى اهلنا في غزة".
البيان الختامي
ثم تلا الامين العام للقاء الزميل فراس زعيتر البيان الختامي، استهله بتوجيه تحية "اكبار واعتزاز وتقدير الى الشعب الفلسطيني البطل واهالي غزة بشكل خاص، الذين صمدوا لاكثر من خمسين يوما بوجه آلة الاجرام الاسرائيلية وبوقوفهم الى جانب مقاومتهم استطاعوا ان يحققوا الانتصار الذي كتب في كتاب تاريخ احرار هذا العالم".
وقال: "بما خص القافلة الاعلامية، نحن نحضر لاطلاقها بأسرع وقت ممكن بعد تذليل بعض العقبات التي تواجهنا، وستضم مجموعة مراسلين ومصورين من عدة قنوات لبنانية وفلسطينية وعربية، هدفها الوصول الى قطاع غزة واعداد مجموعة تقارير عن الواقع الانساني الاليم والمأساوي الذي حل على القطاع، خصوصا ان الجميع ذهبوا باتجاه التهليل للانتصار الذي لا يمكن لاحد ان يضع عليه علامات استفهام، حتى اعلام وصحافة العدو اعترفت بهزيمة الجيش الاسرائيلي امام المقاومة، لكن هذا لا يعني ان ننسى وان نغض الطرف عن الواقع الانساني في غزة، بل واجبنا كاعلام عربي ان نسلط الضوء عليه وننقل الصورة كما هي الى الرأي العام الدولي والعربي والاسلامي، ونظهر لهم بربرية وارهاب واجرام هذا العدو التي مورست على غزة طوال 51 يوم اذا هذا هو هدف القافلة".
اضاف "للوصول الى غزة لا بد من المرور في الاراضي المصرية وذلك يحتاج للتنسيق مع الحكومة المصرية عبر سفارة الجمهورية العربية المصرية في بيروت ونحن نقوم بذلك عبر اتصالات وسيكون لنا خلال ايام لقاء مع سعادة سفير الجمهورية العربية المصرية لطلب تسهيل مرور القافلة عبر الاراضي المصرية الى معبر رفح ومن هناك الى قطاع غزة واعطاءنا مجموعة تأشيرات دخول للزملاء وان شاء الله كل الامور حتى اللحظة تسير بالاتجاه الذي نريده وخلال ايام سنتخطى هذه المرحلة لنصل الى مرحلة تحديد موعد انطلاق القافلة وعودتها وتاريخ بث التقارير على الفضائيات".
وتابع "ارسلنا كتابا الى كل الفضائيات طلبنا من اداراتها ان تنتدب احد مراسليها للمشاركة في القافلة، وهناك بعض القنوات اتصلت بنا وحددت من سيمثلها والبعض الاخر ما زالوا في مرحلة التشاور، لكن من المفروض خلال ايام ان تكون اللائحة قد اكتملت. اما بما خص الزملاء الذين لا يعملون في هذه المرحلة لصالح اي مؤسسة اعلامية، علما ان لهم خبرة في هذا المجال ويريدون المشاركة، فنحن سنخصص لهم مكان من ضمن هذه القافلة استنادا على عدد التأشيرات التي ستمنح لنا لنعطيهم فرصة المشاركة".
وختم "قريبا جدا سنعقد مؤتمرا صحافيا نعلن فيه تاريخ الانطلاق واسماء اعضاء القافلة وكل التفاصيل الاخرى، وباسم جمعية الصداقة الفلسطينية الايرانية واللقاء الاعلامي اللبناني ومجموعة الاعلاميين الفلسطينيين في لبنان نشكر لكم حضوركم ومشاركتكم في هذا اللقاء الذي اثبت مرة جديدة ان فلسطين تجمعنا جميعا على الرغم من كل ما يجري في منطقتنا وكل المخططات التي تسعى الى حرف الانظار عن القضية الفلسطينية".-انتهى-
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قهوجي عرض مع السيناتور الإيطالي الأوضاع وتعزيز العلاقات

(أ.ل) - استقبل قائد الجيش العماد جان قهوجي في مكتبه في اليرزة قبل ظهر اليوم، رئيس لجنة الدفاع في البرلمان الإيطالي السيناتور نيكولا لاتوري على رأس وفد مرافق، بحضور السفير الايطالي في لبنان السيد جوزيي مورابيتو، والملحق العسكري الايطالي العقيد  ميشال ساندري.
 وتناول البحث الأوضاع العامة في لبنان والمنطقة، وسبل تعزيز العلاقات الثنائية بين جيشي البلدين.-انتهى-
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سلامة في اليوبيل الذهبي لجمعية الأسواق المالية:
توقعات النمو 2% ونأمل مبادرة من الحكومة لتخصيص البورصة

يعقوب: لتحويل قضية الصدر الى عمل يومي
 لا إلى ذكرى يحتفى بها لمآرب خاصة

(أ.ل) - أكد النائب السابق حسن يعقوب في بيان أن "مجريات قضية اختطاف الامام السيد موسى الصدر وأخويه الشيخ محمد يعقوب والاستاذ عباس بدر الدين تدل على أخبث وأطول مؤامرة دبرت بليل، وجوهها عديدة وهدفها واحد، غدر على المؤمنين والمقاومة حتى لا تتحرر المقدسات، وغدر على أمل المحرومين لكي لا تكون غوثا للمستضعفين وصميم الثورة الأصيلة".
أضاف "نقول لسجانيكم ومعنا كل الشرفاء، إن قضبان سجنكم أعواد مشانقكم، وبذار زرعكم شجرة طيبة اصلها ثابت وفرعها في السماء. سنبقى حاضرين في نهجكم والبحر والأرض والسماء وعاء حركتكم، تحريركم واجب وانتصاركم يقين، صرختكم كفى تآمرا كفى تواطؤا، حبكم دين ورجاؤكم ورجاؤنا بعض من وفاء. ستة وثلاثون عاما من الظلم المتمادي ومتابعة فاشلة".
وختم "باسمي وباسم الهيئة اللبنانية لمتابعة قضية الامام الصدر والشيخ يعقوب والاستاذ بدر الدين، التي تهدف الى تحويل القضية الى عمل يومي دائم وجاد وليس الى ذكرى يحتفى بها فقط في 31 أب لمآرب إعلانية وخاصة، ولأن كل ما قيل خلال الايام الماضية لم يقدم جديدا في هذه القضية بعد مرور كل هذا الزمن والخشية من مخطط استمرار هذه الجريمة المتامدية ستة وثلاثين عاما جديدا، نطلب تعاونكم الجدي وجعل هذه القضية منبركم اليومي وندعوكم بكل محبة الى عدم اطلاق مواقف تزيد الألم وتذكر أن إرادة التغييب لا زالت مستمرة".-انتهى-
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Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
----------

بري في ذكرى تغييب "إخفاء الصدر وصحبه:
قضية الصدر لبنانية عربية إسلامية غير قابلة للتورط في الصراعات

Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
----------

خليل حمدان ممثلا بري في ذكرى الإمام الصدر وصحبه: دعم الجيش ينبغي أن يكون أولوية
حذار الاستمرار باللعب بالنار عبر المحاولات المكشوفة لتعطيل مجلس النواب
صدر الدين الصدر: يجب إطلاق سراح الأحبة الثلاثة فورا، ودون مواربة أو نقاش

(أ.ل) - أقام منبر الامام الصدر الثقافي، لمناسبة الذكرى السنوية السادسة والثلاثين لتغييب الامام القائد السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب، ملتقى الامام السيد موسى الصدر السادس 2014 في قاعة الجامعة الاسلامية في صور، برعاية رئيس مجلس النواب نبيه بري ممثلا بعضو هيئة الرئاسة في حركة "أمل" خليل حمدان، وحضور النائب علي خريس، النائب السابق أحمد عجمي، نجل الامام الصدر السيد صدر الدين الصدر، مسؤول حركة "أمل" في اقليم جبل عامل محمد غزال، رئيس مؤسسة العرفان الدرزية الشيخ علي زين الدين على رأس وفد من المشايخ، مطران صور للموارنة نبيل الحاج، عضو المكتب السياسي في تيار المردة السيدة فيرا يمين وفاعليات.
بعد النشيدين الوطني ونشيد "أمل"، القى حمدان كلمة بري، وقال: "لقد شرفني دولة الرئيس بري بإلقاء كلمته تلبية لدعوة منبر الامام الصدر الثقافي برعايته لهذا الملتقى الفكري بعنوان: "البعد الانساني لقسم الامام الصدر"، وهي مناسبة لكي أحيي إدارة هذا المنبر الكريم على سعيهم الدؤوب لاختيار النخب المعطاءة من المحاضرين وإفادة المجتمع من القيم الفكرية التي بثها الامام المغيب القائد السيد موسى الصدر صيانة للمجتمع وإنسانه والوطن وأرضه، من أجل الانسان والانسانية جمعاء، فنحن أمام قامة شامخة ملأت الأرض حضورا بل قل هو الامام القائد السيد موسى الصدر كسنديانة تعشقها القمم ومن دوحة تضج بالعطاء هو قول منه وله كموج البحر لن يهدأ ولن يقوى الاخفاء على حجب ترددات صدى الكلمات والموقف ليتجسد استمرارا في الشهداء والجرحى في مسيرة ولا أروع على درب ذات الشوكة هي مسيرة أفواج المقاومة اللبنانية - أمل التي شرعت أبوابها على درب النبيين والصالحين: " كونوا للظالم خصما وللمظلوم عونا".
اضاف "هو الامام الصدر الذي أم الناس في المساجد فثاروا، وخطب بهم في الشوارع فصلوا، ها هي صور بشيبها وشبانها وبمساجدها وكنائسها بحجارتها ورمالها، تحكي قصة العطاء وبلسمة جراح المعذبين والمقهورين والفقراء وترسيخ العيش المشترك. وكلمات تبوح بسر المقاومة: " إذا التقيتم العدو الصهيوني قاتلوه بأسنانكم وأظافركم بسلاحكم مهما كان متواضعا ".
وتابع "من على منبر الامام الصادق يصدح باسم الله على ترانيم الانجيل لا يجتمع حب الله مع كره الانسان ومع تلاوة البينات من آيات القرآن الكريم:
أرأيت الذي يكذب بالدين فذلك الذي يدع اليتيم ولا يحض
على طعام المسكين، أو ما جاء في الأثر: " أحبهم الثه أنفعهم لعياله "، والقسم أيها الحفل الكريم هو العلامة الفارقة في الاصرار على المضي من أجل المحرومين والمعذبين في أرضهم والمحرومين من أرضهم فلسطين". كلمات حفظها الشعب اللبناني عن ظهر قلب وباتت لغة اللقاء الأكثر تداولا في بعلبك مهرجان القسم على مرجة رأس العين"، نحلف بالله العظيم وبالنبي الكريم وبشرف الإنسانية، نحلف بالله العظيم أن نستمر في طريق المطالبة بالحقوق وسنقف مع كل مظلوم ومع كل ضعيف ولا نرجع عن ذلك ولا نضعف ولا نتوانى، سنبقى الى جانب الحق والى جانب الوطن نخاصم أعداءه، نخاصم اسرائيل ونخاصم أصدقاء اسرائيل والله على ما نقول شهيد. وفي صور أقسم الامام بكلام أقوى من الرصاص راسخ كالجبال عندما قال مطالبا بحقوق المحرومين ومن جميع الطوائف: " لن نهدأ حتى لا يبقى محروم في لبنان أو منطقة محرومة".
وقال حمدان: "ها هي الإنسانية تتجلى بأبهى صورها، لا تمييز ولا طائفية ولا مذهبية ولا مناطقية، دعوة لإنصاف عكار المحرومة كما بعلبك والجنوب ورميش وكفرشوبا، وتحضرنا اللمسات التي تحاكي الضمير والوجدان والعقل والقلب، هي روعة الإنسانية عندما أقسم بجمال لبنان وجباله بجنوبه وشرقه وشماله بقلق الطلاب والمثقفين بذعر الأطفال في الحدود بالأفكار المهملة وبالكرامات المهدورة، هكذا هي انسانية الامام السيد موسى الصدر المسكون بحب لبنان وشعبه وطبيعته وعيشه وتفاعل طوائفه ومذاهبه، سيدي لن أقوى على الاستمرار فأنا أمام بحر زاخر بالحب بالوفاء بالصدق بالولاء. أيها الأحبة، تعالوا لنأخذ من درره نثرات ومن مائه الثر قطرات وحدها كفيلة بإنقاذنا وشفائنا من معاناة إن لم نفعل قد تطول".
ودعا الى "نبذ الطائفية والمذهبية وكل عصبية مهما علا صوت الطائفيين والمذهبيين والمحرضين على الصراع الهامشي، ان التطرف والارهاب ينبغي أن يواجه بإطلاق العنان لصوت الوحدة، والغريب أن يصمت من يجدر بهم أن يقفوا في وجه الارهاب. هؤلاء غادروا مواقعهم الوطنية والرسالية لحساب الارهاب وإن لم ينطقوا به، بل هم أشبه بالجندي الفار من المعركة، فكيف بالذين يبررون الارهاب، أليسوا شركاء حقيقيين فيه، وكما يقول الامام الصدر: "ان وحدة الكلمة يجب أن تكون ومضة فكر وخفقة قلب، ولا ينبغي أن تظل شعارا مرفوعا أو كلمة مكتوبة".
وحذر من "استجداء المواقف الشعبوية والارتهان لشذاذ الآفاق، فالمسؤول عليه أن يقود ولا يقاد، وكذلك فإننا ندعو الى الابتعاد عن كل المعارك الهامشية البعيدة عن الوجهة السليمة في الصراع مع العدو الصهيوني، ها هي فلسطين تتعرض لأبشع هجمة، وما الجرائم التي اقترفها العدو بقتل الأطفال والشيوخ والنساء واستهداف الآمنين في منازلهم وعملية التدمير الممنهجة، ليست إلا دليلا واضحا على جرائم العدو وإدانة لكل الساكتين عن هذه الجريمة من عرب وغير عرب، ألم يجر ذلك تحت غطاء غيار الحرب التي تدور رحاها تحت شعار الربيع العربي الذي يستهدف الجيوش العربية لانهاكها وتستثنى اسرائيل من أي استهداف من قبل هؤلاء الدواعش، حتى كلمة إدانة استكثروها على أطفال غزة، والعدو يمرر جرائمه تحت ضمان الصمت المريب للعديد من الأنظمة العربية".
وتابع "انها دعوة الى كل المخلصين، وما تبقى من رأي عام، الى أن يصححوا اتجاه البوصلة بات ضرورة كي لا نصبح أمة قيد التصفية. والتجربة أكدت أن خيار المقاومة هو الخيار السليم كي لا يكون القتل بالمجان، في الوقت الذي يراد أن نكون أمة ضحية ضعيفة منهكة، نعم لتصحيح البوصلة على قاعدة أن فلسطين هي المكون الجمعي للعرب والمسلمين، وأي صراع آخر لن يصب إلا في خانة إضعاف الجبهة الداخلية بل هو لحساب العدو الصهيوني".
اضاف "من هنا فإن التعاطي مع لبنان على أنه دولة محايدة وغير معنية بالصراع هو مجرد هرطقة سياسية، بل أن الموقف الوطني السليم يتمثل بأن لبنان دولة مواجهة وتحد معني بالمقاومة والممانعة".
واكد "خيار الصمود والمقاومة، والوقت من دم، فلا مجال للارتجال، من هنا فإننا في لبنان نتمسك بالقاعدة الماسية الجيش والشعب والمقاومة، هذا الجيش الذي نحيي فيه التضحيات الجسام التي يقدمها واليقظة الواعدة التي صانت الوطن وجنبتنا الكوارث الكبيرة بفضل دماء شهدائه وسهر جنوده ورتبائه وضباطه وقادته. من هنا، فإن دعم هذا الجيش ينبغي أن يكون أولوية تتصدر اهتمامات المسؤولين، ومن هنا يأتي اصرارنا على تسليح هذا الجيش ودعمه وعلى جميع المستويات، وكذلك فإن المقاومة باقية وهي خيار وأساس في عملية تحصين الوطن في وجه الأعداء ايضا".
واشار حمدان الى ان "عملية النهوض الوطني تتطلب العمل السريع على قيام جميع مؤسسات الدولة بدورها وبإبعاد كأس الفراغ المر عن هذا البلد، ونحن بدورنا في حركة أمل وكتلة التنمية والتحرير ندعو الى انتخاب رئيس للجمهورية اليوم قبل الغد، ولكن نحذر من الاستمرار باللعب بالنار عبر المحاولات المكشوفة لتعطيل مجلس النواب الذي ينبغي أن يتعزز دوره في هذه المرحلة الحرجة".
واردف "ولأن القسم ألا نسكت ما دام في لبنان محروم واحد، ندعو الى ترشيق عملية التنمية للمناطق المحرومة، وتعزيز صمود الناس في أرضهم، لمنع الهجرات المتدافعة الى المدن الكبيرة وهجرة الريف أو الهجرة الى خارج الوطن للبحث عن وطن الغربة، من هنا يأتي تأكيدنا على اقرار سلسلة الرتب والرواتب وانصاف أصحاب الحقوق".
وقال: "هذه الذكرى هي مناسبة لمعاهدة الامام الصدر ان المسيرة مستمرة بوحدة الشعب بالعيش المشترك، برفض الارهاب، بالانحياز الى المحرومين، بدعم الجيش اللبناني، بالتأكيد على دور المقاومة، وهي مناسبة لكي نؤكد ايضا أن قضية الامام الصدر وأخويه الشيخ محمد يعقوب والصحافي عباس بدر الدين هي قضية وطنية بامتياز وعربية واسلامية بل قضية الأحرار في العالم، وهي قضية العصر، نظرا لنبل اهداف الامام التي تجلت بالتضحيات الجسام التي قدمها الامام من أجل الانسان والوطن، من أجل القضايا المقدسة من أجل العدالة الانسانية، وما قام به القذافي من عملية غير مسبوقة في التاريخ بمثل هذا السلوك المجرم، فالكل معني بمتابعة هذه القضية، بل لعله بعض الوفاء لرجل نذر نفسه لخدمة الانسان أينما كان. فبعد أن لقي المجرم القذافي مصيره فإن المسؤولية تبقى على القيادة الليبية الحالية والشعب الليبي لكشف مصير الامام وأخويه، لأن العديد من المسؤولين وأكثر الشعب الليبي عانى من جرائم القذافي، فمن الطبيعي أن نطالبهم بالانتصار للحرية والعدالة برفض الظلم المستمر باحتجاز الامام وأخويه، اننا نعتقد أن الامام الصدر وأخواه أحياء وينبغي العمل على تحريرهم بالعمل الدؤوب، وان كنا رحبنا بمذكرة التفاهم مع القيادة الليبية الحالية، فإننا ندعوهم الى تفعيل العمل وبسرعة، ونتمنى ألا يلجأ البعض للتذرع بالوضع الأمني داخل ليبيا، لأنه من الطبيعي في الظروف الطارئة الاهتمام بالأساسيات الهامة وقضية الامام الصدر وأخويه من أهم الأمور التي على القيادة الليبية أن تجعلها حاضرة وبقوة، لأن مرور الوقت أو التباطؤ فيه قد يصب في خانة ترنح العدالة، وهذا لن يكون في خدمة الحرية والعدالة التي ننشدها، وإذ نحيي جهود لجنة المتابعة لقضية الامام الصدر وأخويه في لبنان، فإننا نؤكد للجميع أن قضية الامام الصدر وأخويه ينبغي أن تبقى أولوية لدى الجميع على المستوى الرسمي والشعبي برفض أساليب المساومة والمزايدة لأن ذلك يتناقض مع قداسة هذه القضية وصفائها".

الصدر
ثم ألقى كلمة عائلة الامام الصدر نجله السيد صدر الدين موسى الصدر وجاء فيها:
"نلتقي في آب من كل عام، في ضيافة منبر الإمام الصدر الثقافي في صور، الذي عودنا على الإضاءة على فكر الإمام وقضية تغييبه وأخويه.
وبإسم عائلة الإمام أشكر القيمين على المنبر لتخصيص جهودهم المباركة في مناقشة جانب من جوانب فكر الإمام، لا تزال شواهد يستحضرها لبنان مثل عنوان هذا العام: "البعد الانساني لقسم الامام الصدر" القسم الذي ردده مع الإمام الألاف سنة 1974 والذي قال عنه الراحل غسان تويني يومها: تلك الثورة، ولو لم يطلق رصاصها إلا صوب السماء، وتصفيفا لكلام إمام جعل خدمة الإنسان وحقوقه وحرياته في خدمة الله والصلاة له.....".
وفي سبيل خدمة الوطن والإنسان، لم يتردد الإمام لحظة لزيارة ليبيا للقاء معمر القذافي، ليقنعه بالعودة إلى الموقف العربي الموحد للضغط لتنفيذ القرار 425 ، وبالإقلاع عن تطبيق سياسة الأرض المحروقة في الجنوب من اجل بطولات وهمية، وعدم تكرار معزوفة ترحيل المسيحيين من لبنان، ونرى اليوم التاريخ يعيد نفسه.
فكان التغيب الغادر، وكانت القضية التي لا بد أن نتحدث عن مسارها وتقييمنا لما يحصل حاليا، فنقول: أولا: بادىء ذي بدء، نوجه التحية لروح المرحوم أخي العزيز القاضي سميح الحاج المحقق العدلي السابق في القضية، الذي اوصلته شجاعته إلى إصدار مذكرة توقيف غيابية، بحق معمر القذافي وأعوانه في عز جبروتهم عام 2008، ونمني النفس بأن يتابع خلفه مسيرته بالشجاعة نفسها.
ثانيا: قضائيا أيضا، فإن المجلس العدلي الذي يتابع النظر في جزء الملف ينتظر التحقيق في الإدعاءات الجديدة التي قدمناها امام المحقق العدلي الجديد. وهي على قدر من الأهمية ومقرونة بأدلة وقرائن جمعناها بالتعاون مع لجنة المتابعة الرسمية، تشير لتورط ثلاثة عشر شخصا جديدا من اركان نظام معمر البائد.
نحن كعائلة الإمام الصدر، هدفنا الأساس، والأول والأخير، الأمس واليوم وغدا، هو تحرير الإمام وأخويه، وعودتهم سالمين إلى وطنهم وأهلهم ومحبيهم وساحة جهادهم.
إن تحجيم القضية في خانة التعويضات، ولو بحجة الضغط، ومهما كان ادعاء توزيعها، ينتقص من قيمتها الإنسانية ويؤذي بلوغ هذه القضية إلى خواتيمها المرتقبة بتحرير الأحبة، وبعد ذلك، لكل حادث حديث.
من هنا، فإن تثبيت وفاة معمر القذافي قضائيا، أمر لا يفيد القضية، بل يسقطها إلى ما يسمى "تصحيح الخصومة وحصر الإرث". وهذا درك أسفل يشكل خطرا على حياة الإمام واخويه، لذا وجب التنبيه.
ومن باب التأكيد، فنحن وبعكس الأخرين لم نرسل او نكلف أحدا في يوم من الأيام أن يفاوض القذافي أو أولاده أو أركان نظامه، بل كان موقفا وما زال: يجب إطلاق سراح الأحبة الثلاثة فورا، ودون مواربة أو نقاش.
وهنا اغتنم الفرصة لأكرر بصوت عال هذه المرة دعوتنا إلى شركائنا في الألم ان نعود جميعا موحدين إلى ثوابت القضية المقدسة فورا، ولا نسمح لأعدائها بالإستغلال والإضعاف والتضييع. يدنا ممدودة وقلبنا مفتوح، والقضية لا تتحمل المزيد من الأذى.
ثالثا: نثمن خطوة توقيع مذكرة التفاهم والتعاون بين لبنان وليبيا والتي اعترف بها الجانب الليبي وحسم مسألة حصول جريمة خطف الإمام واخويه في ليبيا من قبل القذافي ونظامه.
كما أن المذكرة تتضمن بنودا عن التعاون الذي يفترض ان يكون جديا ومنظما وفاعلا ومنتجا، لا سيما إقرار خطة تفتيش عن اماكن اعتقال غير مكتشفة، والتحقيق مع الموجودين من أركان نظام القذافي، وتزويد الجانب اللبناني بما يحتاجه من مستندات ومعلومات، وأن تسمح بحضور المنسق القضائي اللبناني للتحقيقات، والأخذ باقتراحاته. ولكن العبرة بالتنفيذ ولقد نفذ صبرنا، وباتت فرص الأحباء الثلاثة تتضاءل.
نكرر للمرة الألف ،إننا وإن كنا نتفهم الظروف الأمنية والسياسية في ليبيا، فإننا غير راضين عن مستوى التعاون هناك، لا سيما وأن السلطات في ليبيا لم تغتنم فرصة ثلاث سنوات بعد الثورة، للتقدم والتعاون الجدي في هذه القضية، حتى لكأن الوضع هو نفسه وجدار معمر هو نفسه في ما يخص متابعة القضية.
رابعا: ان لجنة المتابعة الرسمية التي زارت ليبيا ودولا أخرى لتقصي معلومات ومتابعة خيوط القضية مطالبة أيضا بزيادة وتكثيف جهودها بإتجاه الداخل الليبي أولا ومن ثم الدول الأخرى المعنية، وعدم ادخار أي وسيلة للعمل والضغط، لا سيما اننا نثق بقواعد عملها، وهي تضم خيرة قضاة وظباط ودبلوماسيين وأخصائيين وتستعين بخيرة اخرين وتعمل بسرية تامة بعيدا عن الضوء، لأن ذلك أهم عامل لنجاح أي خطوة تقوم بها.
خامسا: كما قلنا في الأعوام الماضية، على السلطات التنفيذية والقضائية والأمنية ان تقوم بدورها، لأن القضية قضية وطن ودولة لا قضية عائلة وطائفة أو جهة معينة.
لذا، كي لا تبقى القضية سطورا منسية في البيانات الوزارية، نتمنى على رئيس الحكومة والوزراء المعنيين وقادة الأجهزة الأمنية، إيلاء القضية كل الإهتمام والأولوية والسرعة التي يستحقها الإمام واخواه وتقتضيها قضايا حجز الحرية. وللتوضيح نضيف:
1- يجب توفير كل الدعم للجنة المتابعة الرسمية.
2- عدم السماح بأي تطبيع قبل تعاون السلطات الليبية الفوري والجاد والصادق، في هذه القضية، سواء أكان التطبيع رسميا أو اهليا او تجاريا.
3- تكثيف الإتصالات لتأمين إنجاز خطوات امنية ودبلوماسية وقضائية مع الإنتربول ومع دول عديدة معنية بالموضوع ومع الأجهزة المختصة في هذه الدول بالتنسيق مع اللجنة الرسمية.
4- بلورة آلية ضغط على الجانب الليبي فورا وبالتنسيق مع اللجنة الرسمية لتنفيذ مذكرة التفاهم وصولا لأوسع تعاون قبل ازدياد الأوضاع سوءا في ليبيا.
5- إقرار خطط موازية فورية بالتنسيق مع اللجنة الرسمية بعد استتباب الأوضاع في ليبيا تتيح متابعة العمل من خارج ليبيا إلى حين جلاء غيوم التوتر هناك.
سادسا: ناشدنا ونناشد الإعلام أن يكون على قدر المسؤولية في مواكبة التطورات وعدم الإساءة للقضية عن قصد أو دون قصد، ليس مراعاة لمشارعنا، وهي جريحة تنزف ألما بل خوفا على حياة الأحبة ومسار قضيتهم المقدسة. فأي كلمة غير مدروسة تشكل خطرا فادحا، لذا نشد أياديكم أن تكون اللجنة الرسمية هي المرجع الوحيد لاستقاء المعلومات التي تصلح أن تنشر بشكل مفيد للقضية لا مضرا بها.
"الحرية لا تصان الا بالحرية" قالها الإمام ونرددها من بعده .. لكن بربكم هل يعقل أن تستمر بعض الأقلام والأصوات ببث أخبار وتحليلات أقل ما يقال فيها أنها وهمية ومغرضة بكل معنى الكلمة، وأن يتم ذلك دون رادع ولو من ضمير من يشيعون هذه الأوهام؟ ويهمنا أن نعلن بصوت مدو، أننا حارنا ونحارب كل من سولت له نفسه المتاجرة بها، كائنا من كان، كما أننا عاتبنا ونعاتب القريب والبعيد اذا ما استخدم مصطلحات لا تتوافق مع ثوابتنا كمثل: كشف المصير أو جلاء الحقيقة أو حل اللغز " ونصر على تحرير الأحبة الثلاثة" وكرسنا ذلك في كل التصريحات الرسمية وبيانات الحكومة وبيانات الحكومات المتعاقبة الوزارية، ومجلس جامعة الدول العربية وقممها، وسائر المحافل والمنابر".
وختم " لن يهنأ عيشنا إلا بكم الأعين، بكل جهد لتحريركم دون كلل أو ملل..سنبقى متمسكين بهذه القضية المقدسة، فلم ولن نساوم اة نتراجع عن ثوابتها، وعذرا على تقصيرنا.
وما توكلنا إلا على الله القادر الحكيم راضين بما يكتبه لنا وحسبنا الله ونعم الوكيل".
وبعدها تم تقديم درع تقديرية لحمدان سلمه اياها مسؤول حركة أمل في اقليم جبل عامل محمد غزال، ودرع اخرى لنجل الامام الصدر قدمها رئيس المنبر عباس حيدر.
كما تم توزيع دروع تقديرية على المحاضرين وتوزيع شهادات تقدير على العاملين والمشرفين على الملتقى. وبعد انتهاء حفل الافتتاح، كانت هناك مداخلات "حول البعد الانساني لقسم الامام الصدر". وقدم المداخلات الاستاذ طانيوس رزق الله.
وكانت المداخلات لكل من الشيخ علي زين الدين، عضو المكتب السياسي حسن قبلان، المطران ميخائيل أبرص، الدكتور علي فتوني، السيدة فيرا يمين، والاستاذ رجب شعلان.-انتهى-
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الراعي يضع الحجر الأساس لمتحف الوادي المقدس في 4 ايلول المقبل

(أ.ل) - تتضمن فاعليات السنوية الحادية عشرة لحديقة البطاركة في الرابع من أيلول المقبل ، وضع الحجر الأساس لمبنى متحف الوادي المقدس تقدمة سليم الزعني من يد البطريرك الكاردينال مار بشارة بطرس الراعي . وقد أنجز المهندس جيلبير عازار الخرائط الهندسية المتعلقة بمبنى المتحف في نطاق حديقة البطاركة في الديمان.
 واعتمد عازار بناء على طلب الزعني المتبرع بتقدمة قاعة المتحف ، تقنيات وشروط الهندسة الحديثة المعاصرة المعتمدة في عدد من المتاحف في عدد من دول العالم . وتقضي الدراسة ببناء القاعة مطلة على مدى الوادي المقدس المفتوح جنوبا وغربا مساحتها 250 م2 مجهزة بوسائل الحماية الالكترونية، يأتي سطحها امتدادا للساحة الطبيعية التي تعلوه تحت كنيسة مار اسطفان.-انتهى-
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بري التقى وفداً من "حماس"
وعبدالله السيد قدم له كتابه "الامام السيد موسى الصدر حركة بلا حدود"

(أ.ل) - استقبل رئيس مجلس النواب نبيه بري ظهر اليوم في عين التينة وفداً من قيادة حركة "حماس" الفلسطينية برئاسة القيادي في الحركة ووزير الاوقاف السابق الدكتور اسماعيل رضوان، ومسؤول الحركة في لبنان علي بركة . وحضر اللقاء رئيس المكتب السياسي في حركة "امل" الحاج جميل حايك وعضو المكتب السياسي الحاج محمد جباوي .
وقال رضوان بعد الزيارة : زرنا دولة الرئيس بري، ونقلنا له تحيات قيادة حركة "حماس" الاستاذ خالد مشعل والاخوة في المكتب السياسي، وقدمنا له الشكر الجزيل على مواقفه الثابتة ومواقف المجلس النيابي اللبناني حيث دعا دولته لانعقاد اول مجلس نيابي للتضامن مع قطاع غزة . وكذلك اكدنا على شكرنا لدعم لبنان المبدئي للقضية الفلسطينية ، وحرصنا على وحدة لبنان واستقراره وأمنه، وان انتصار غزة انما هو انتصار للقدس ولفلسطين ولحق العودة، وهذا شطب ما يتعلق بالتوطين الذي كان يسعى له الصهاينة . كما أكدنا على ضرورة دعم لبنان الشقيق للاوضاع الانسانية الاغاثية العاجلة في قطاع غزة، وبذل دولة الرئيس الجهود من اجل السماح لاستمرار فتح معبر رفح وتدفق المعونات الانسانية والاغاثية العاجلة والسعي لاعادة اعمار غزة.
وأضاف: أكدنا ايضاً على العلاقة بين الشعبين، ووضعنا دولته في مجمل الاحوال الانسانية الكارثية ومستوى الجريمة التي ارتكبها الاحتلال الصهيوني، وهذا يحتاج الى ضرورة رفع قضايا قانونية ضد قادة الاحتلال على ما ارتكبوه من جرائم حرب ضد الانسانية وضد شعبنا الفلسطيني. وكذلك أكدنا على توحيد الموقف العربي الداعم للقضية الفلسطينية، وعلى اننا مستمرون في الحفاظ على وحدة الشعب الفلسطيني حيث توحد الشعب في هذه المقاومة ومن خلال الوفد الموحد الذي كان يفاوض بطريقة غير مباشرة مع الاحتلال عبر الوسيط المصري . وشكرنا للبنان والشعب اللبناني ودولة الرئيس بري والمجلس النيابي. وكل الخيرين الداعمين للقضية الفلسطينية . واكدنا على ضرورة استمرار التنسيق لرفع هذا الحصار الظالم وتدفق المعونات واعادة الاعمار الى قطاع غزة ووقف العدوان على شعبنا الفلسطيني .
ثم استقبل الرئيس بري الوزير السابق محمد غزيري.
كما استقبل علي عبدالله السيد الذي قدم له كتابه "الامام السيد موسى الصدر حركة بلا حدود".-انتهى-
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تعميم صورة عن المضبوطات

(أ.ل) - الحاقاً لبيانها السابق المتعلق بتوقيف مسلحين في منطقة وادي حميد – عرسال، تعمم مديرية التوجيه صورة عن المضبوطات على الموقع الالكتروني للجيش:
 www.lebarmy.gov.lb .-انتهى-
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ندوة لامل في ذكرى إخفاء الامام الصدر وصحبه وكلمات نوهت بفكره المحب للسلام
صليبا: هناك دور للصهيونية في اختطاف الإمام وصحبه عبر معمر القذافي

(أ.ل) - اقامت قيادة اقليم بيروت في حركة "امل"، ندوة في ذكرى تغييب "إخفاء" سماحة الامام السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الصحافي السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب بعنوان "الفكر التنويري" في ثانوية الشهيد حسن قصير على طريق المطار، شارك فيها المفتي الجعفري الممتاز الشيخ احمد قبلان، امام مسجد القدس الشيخ ماهر حمود، مطران جبل لبنان وطرابلس للسريان الارثوذكس جورج صليبا، الامين العام لمؤسسة العرفان التوحيدية ورئيس اللجنة الثقافية في المجلس المذهبي لطائفة الموحدين الدروز الشيخ سامي ابو المنى.
حضر الندوة نائب رئيس حركة امل المدير العام لوزارة الخارجية والمغتربين هيثم جمعة، النائب الاول لحاكم مصرف لبنان رائد شرف الدين، المسؤول التنظيمي لاقليم بيروت في الحركة علي بردى، عضوا المكتب السياسي للحركة مفيد الخليل وعائدة مزرعاني، مسؤولة شؤون المرأة المركزية رباب عون واعضاء من قيادة اقليم بيروت والمناطق وشخصيات دينية وتربوية وثقافية وبلدية ومخاتير وحشد من المواطنين.
قدم للندوة المسؤول الثقافي لاقليم بيروت في حركة "امل" الشيخ حسن شريف، فتطرق الى شخصية الامام الصدر من جوانب عدة "خصوصا تلك التي كان تبرز من خلالها مواقفه الداعية الى الوحدة الوطنية والاسلامية بما تعني من رادع في مواجهة المخططات الهادفة الى ضرب لبنان"، مشيرا الى ان "الامام الصدر كان لكل اللبنانيين ولم يميز بين لبناني وآخر وبين محروم من هذه الطائفة وتلك"، معتبرا اننا اليوم "احوج ما نكون لمواقف الامام كي نستطيع المحافظة على هذا الوطن".
صليبا
بعد ذلك اعطيت الكلمة للمطران صليبا الذي استعاد محطات للامام الصدر ولقاءات اجراها معه في مقر المجلس الاسلامي الشيعي الاعلى في الحازمية، مشيرا الى ان "الامام الصدر رجل محبة وسلام ورجل كلما جلست معه تشعر بذلك الاطمئنان الذي كان يريح قلوبنا"، مشيرا الى "دور الامام الصدر في نقاء العلاقة ليس بين الشيعة والسنة فحسب، بل ايضا بين المسلمين والمسيحيين حيث كان يسعى دائما الى بوتقة وطنية واحدة بين هذه الطوائف وهو كان لا يفرق في التعاطي بين لبناني واخر، فكما كان يرى ضرورة الوحدة مع المسلمين السنة كان يرى ضرورة الوحدة الوطنية التي تجمع المسلمين مع المسيحيين".
وتطرق الى قضية اختطافه، متحدثا عن دور للصهيونية في اختطافه عبر معمر القذافي "لان الامام كان عائقا رئيسا امام مخططاتها لاسيما انه كان يسعى لاجل السلام في لبنان"،آملا "ان يعود الامام الصدر الى وطنه ويخبرنا كيف دبرت المؤامرة لخطفه وصحبه وكيف تم تغييبه"، مضيفا "نحن سنبقى ننتظر عودته لانه رجل مخلص لوطنه".
ابو المنى
من جهته اعتبر الشيخ ابو المنى ان "الإمام موسى الصدر لم يكتف بالخطب الرنانة، بل قاد حركة ثورية فعلية لقد كان بحجم نهضة شعب، ورؤيا مستقبلية، وطموحات أجيال واعدة"، كما وصفه شيخ العقل نعيم حسن يوما، عندما قال: "إن فكره لم تكبله المذهبية، ولم يحده ضيق الأفق، ولم تقيده سلاسل الإرتهان والمساومات الخفية، بل كان فكرا تنويريا مرويا بألم الناس ومعاناتهم وتطلعاتهم إلى قيادة معبرة عن وجدان الأمة وخلجات قلبها".
واضاف: "لقد قاده فكره الثوري المتحرر من قيود التعصب والإنغلاق إلى أن يكون من أوائل الذين ساهموا في إطلاق الحوار الإسلامي المسيحي في لبنان منذ العام 1965"، معتبرا ورفاقه الحواريين أن "الديانتين المسيحية والإسلامية، جعلتا لخدمة الإنسان وصون كرامته وحقه في الحياة الفضلى والسلام والمحبة والوئام، وجعلتا أيضا سبيلا لإعمار الأرض والنهوض بها".
ورأى ابو المنى ان "الإمام الصدر دفع غاليا ثمن فكره الثوري هذا وثمن حركته وعنفوانه، فالنظام العالمي المتسلط والمتآمر على الحقوق وعلى الأوطان، لم يكن ليريد للقائد أن يكون مصلحا وقويا، ولا للأمة أن تنهض وللشعب أن يكون واعيا لمصيره. وللنظام العالمي هذا أدواته وعملاؤه، لدى العرب كما لدى إسرائيل، فتآمروا جميعهم عليه وغيبوه، لكنهم لم يستطيعوا أن يغيروا فكره التنويري، فبقيت ثورته حية في قلوب أبنائه، وتوسعت دائرة تلك الثورة، واقتدى به أهل المقاومة وأهل الحوار وأهل الإنفتاح والتغيير على السواء. وها هي المسيرة مستمرة، وها هم أبناؤه المخلصون الوطنيون يقسمون معه ومن ورائه بأن يحافظوا على نهجه، ليكون الوطن واحدا موحدا، قويا بأهله وناسه الأقوياء، وكريما بحفاظه على كرامة أبنائه الشرفاء، وهذا هو خط النضال المستمر الذي لا يتوقف طالما أن كرامة الإنسان وحقوقه تتعرض في كل يوم للانتهاكات، وطالما أن الوطن يواجه التحديات من كل جانب، وطالما أن إرادة العيش المشترك حية فينا وإرادة الصمود قوية، وطالما أن الحياة انتصار للأقوياء في نفوسهم لا للضعفاء، على ما قال يوما كمال جنبلاط رفيق موسى الصدر وشريكه في ترسيخ الثوابت الوطنية والإنسانية. وهذا ما يجسده اليوم أبناء الإمام موسى الصدر الذين يتصدرون حركة الجهاد في سبيل التحرر وقيام الدولة، ويقودون مسيرة الحوار والانفتاح والاعتدال، بإيمان وثقة ومحبة ووطنية".
حمود
بعد ذلك تحدث الشيخ حمود الذي قال: "إن سألنا انفسنا اين الامام الصدر، موجود فينا اليوم بعد ستة وثلاثين سنة من التغييب" متوجها الى الامام بالقول: "انت موجود في غزة وجنوب لبنان ومارون الراس وعرسال. انت موجود في دمشق وبغداد وبيروت وكنيسة الكابوشية. في مواجهة من يريد ضرب هذه الامة".
وذكر بالكلمة التى توجه بها الى ابي عمار عندما قال خذ علما يا ابا عمار ان شرف القدس يأبى ان يتحرر الا على ايدي المؤمنين الشرفاء، وقال: "ان الامام كان يدرك ما يقول لاسيما انه في تلك الايام اين كان المؤمنون من حملة السلاح . كان الفكر الالحادي طاغيا والفكر المادي كان غالبا والمؤمنون كانوا قلة. اما اليوم فساحتنا مليئة بالمؤمنين الذين يضعون اعينهم على القدس وتحريرها بعزم وتصميم يزيل الجبال".
واردف "نعم ايها الامام شرف القدس بدأ يأخذ طريقه الى التحرير بالذين آمنوا بوعد الله بان هذه القدس لنا وليست لبني اسرائيل. فالمؤمنون موجودون في ربى جنوب لبنان يغشى منهم الصهاينة ويخشى من ارادتهم اكثر مما يخشون من جيوش العرب مجتمعة" مضيفا "ايها الامام انت موجود في مقاومة صلبة وقفت في جنوب لبنان امام كل العالم وانتصرت حيث رسمت المقاومة طريق عزة وكرامة. انت موجود في كل مقاوم ومقاتل في لبنان وفلسطين".
واكد ان "الامام الصدر اسس لدور العلماء الفاعلين وهو موجود في كل دعوة ووقفة نيرة ودعوة لتوحيد وللوقوف في وجه الشر المطلق اسرائيل".
وذكر بمواقف الامام الصدر التي تكرم الانسان كما كرمه الباري عز وجل وبقوله بان الطوائف نعم والطائفية نقمة، وقال: "اننا سنحمل راية الامام الصدر لنسير على الطريق الصحيح نحو وحدة الامة وزوال اسرائيل".
قبلان
وتطرق الشيخ قبلان الى "تنويرية الامام الصدر وما اعتمده للمواطنة التي يراها لا تنفصل عن كون المواطن انسانا بخلفية ان اساس نظرية الدولة يقوم على مبدأ ان السلطة وتكوينها وشكل مؤسساتها وبرامجها يدور مدار مصالح الانسان"، مضيفا "لذلك حين دافع الامام عن المسيحيين وهاجم سياسة العزل زمن الحرب الاهلية لم يكن يفعل ذلك لتقية بل لانه يؤمن بان الرعية صنفان إما اخ لك في الدين او نظير لك في الخلق".
واكد ان "الامام عندما طالب العرب ان يعيشوا قضية فلسطين كمحور للسياسة الخارجية فعل ذلك لانه يرى القدس كعنوان لقضية تتصل بانسان السماء" مشيرا الى ان "الامام وبدقة بالغة وصف اسرائيل بالشر المطلق، لان الميزان الكوني لا يمكن ان يقبل باجتثاث شعب لان حاجة المصالح الغربية المستبدة تكمن ببناء ثكنة قوية في بلاد الشرق".
واشار الى خطابه في كنيسة الكبوشية وقوله للمسيحي: ان فتش عن الله تجد نفسك وقوله للسني في صيدا ليس لك من سنيتك الا ان تحب الشيعي وللشيعي قال لست شيعيا إن انت تنكرت للسني او كفرت بحق الاخر.
وقال: "ما يمثله الرئيس نبيه بري على مستوى المشروع الوطني هو عنوان تأكيدي لهذا العقل الذي شيد حجارة هذا الوطن من مقولة التضحيات. ونزولا على عقل الامام الصدر كررنا ان لبنان السياسي يجب ان يكون نتاج شد الاواصر وثقافة العيش المشترك ووحدة المصير وهذا يعني ان الدولة ضامن سياسي ومركز ثقل في عملية حفظ التكوين الاجتماعي والبرامج الوطنية لهذا البلد، خاصة اننا نعيش لحظة اختيار وجودي لان سوريا تكاد تتحول مركز ازمة الاوسط بسبب صراع العالم فيها، فيما نارها تتشظى يمينا وشمالا وتضغط بشدة على الوضع اللبناني وبطريقة يشتبك فيها المحلي بالاقليمي والدولي.
وهذا يفترض ان نحسم خريطة طرق لاي لبنان نريد لبنان الشراكة والاعتدال ام لبنان الوظيفة الاقليمية والخلايا التكفيرية بخلفية ان طمر الرأس في الرمال لن يخرج لبنان من المأزق ولن يمنعه من زلزال الاوسط".
ولفت قبلان الى انه "لا بد من الشراكة والسلم الاهلي عبر حلف سياسي وطني يكرس لبنان كثكنة وطنية ضد الارهاب واساس شعبي لمساندة الجيش باجندة ام استباقي لا يعيش على التوازنات الهشة او مقولة الامن بالتراضي" مؤكدا "ان رغيف الخبز والكلمة والامن ضرورة للعدالة الاجتماعية كما كان الامام الصدر يقول واساسا للخريطة السياسية ومستقبل البلد".
واردف "ان لبنان ليس معزولا عن العالم وليس بعيدا عن سوريا وليس غريبا عن ظروف العراف وهو على تماس مع الثكنة العسكرية التي تربض في تل ابيب وما يجري في المنطقة لن تخمد ناره في القريب. لذا يجب تعريف لبنان ووضعيته الامنية بخلفية محله من هذه الاحداث ومخاطرها، وبهذا المعنى تصبح الوحدة الوطنية والقرار السياسي وشراكة الجيش والمقاومة والعيش المشترك والسلم الاهلي والاعتدال الديني والسياسي وعدم الرهان على الخارج والسلم الاهلي اساس ضمان هذا البلد وذخيرة خروجه منتصرا من هذه الازمة التي تكاد تشطر الشرق الاوسط وتبتلعه من الداخل".-انتهى-
 

صور فقدان سماحة الإمام السيد موسى الصدر والزميل الأستاذ عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب

بمناسبة غيابهم السادس والثلاثون

Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
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نقيب المحررين: موسى الصدر إمام كل لبنان وتعاليمه
يجب ان تدرس في مدارسنا ليبقى لنا وطن

(أ.ل) - رأى نقيب محرري الصحافة اللبنانية إلياس عون في بيان بذكرى تغييب الامام موسى الصدر، أن "موسى الصدر أمة بذاتها، لهذا غيبوه منذ ستة وثلاثين عاما لكنهم إعتقدوا أنهم غيبوه".
وقال: "ان قيمة مثل إمامنا لن تغيب لا عن بالنا ولا عن قلبنا ولا عن ضميرنا. موسى الصدر إمام تبقى تعاليمه زادا لنا نحن المؤمنين بلبنان السيد الحر المستقل، بلبنان العيش الواحد، فنحن أبناء وطن واحد وشعب واحد. هكذا علمنا الإمام المغيب موسى الصدر الذي حمل في حياته لواء لبنان بمسيحييه ومسلميه.حمل لواء لبنان الرسالة، لبنان المحبة والسلام".
أضاف "ألم يقل الامام ان لبنان بلد المؤمنين؟ موسى الصدر في ذكراه السادسة والثلاثين، نرفع صلاتنا إلى العلي لتظهر حقيقة طال إنتظارها، وليعود إلينا مع زميل عزيز الصحافي الأستاذ عباس بدر الدين والشيخ محمد يعقوب. وكما نقول ان البطريرك الماروني هو بطريرك كل لبنان، نقول وبصوت عال، موسى الصدر هو إمام كل لبنان".
وختم: "تعاليم موسى الصدر يجب أن تدرس في مدارسنا ليبقى لنا وطن نحبه ونقدره كما أحبه الأمام".-انتهى-
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توقيف ثلاثة اشخاص للاشتباه بمشاركتهم في القتال ضدّ الجيش في منطقة عرسال

تعرض آلية تابعة للجيش اللبناني لكمين في منطقة عرسال
انقاذ 4 عسكريين بعد تعرضهم لكمين في وادي الرهوة
وفقدان احدهم وجرح آخر ومقتل واصابة الارهابيين

(أ.ل) - صدر عن قيادة الجيش- مديرية التوجيه اليوم الخميس 28/8/2014 البيان الآتي:
بتاريخه حوالى الساعة 11.00، تعرضت آلية تابعة للجيش بداخلها خمسة عسكريين في منطقة وادي الرهوة – عرسال لكمين من قبل مسلحين إرهابيين، وعلى أثرها قامت قوى الجيش بشن هجوم على المسلحين وتمكنت من إنقاذ أربعة من العسكريين وتم تدمير آلية عائدة للإرهابيين مجهزة بمدفع مضاد للطائرات عيار 23 ملم وإصابة من بداخلها بين قتيل وجريح.
وقد نتج عن الاشتباكات فقدان أحد العسكريين وإصابة آخر بجروح.-انتهى-
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مجلس الوزراء وافق على مرسوم الافادات وسلام اكد ان الحكومة
لن تتخلى عن مسؤوليتها في الافراج عن العسكريين ومواجهة الارهاب

(أ.ل) - أشار وزير الاعلام رمزي جريج، خلال تلاوته مقررات مجلس الوزراء، إلى ان "رئيس مجلس الوزراء تمام سلام أعاد التذكير خلال الجلسة بضرورة انتخاب رئيس الجمهورية في أقرب وقت، ثم تحدث عن موضوع العسكريين المخطوفين، وهو موضوع حساس ودقيق ينبغي متابعته بسرية تامة للحفاظ على حياة العسكريين، واثار سلام موضوع الكهرباء واضراب المياومين وانعكساته على تسيير مرفق الكهرباء".
وفي الاطار الامني، لفت جريج الى ان الوزراء ناقشوا الوضع الامني في عرسال وكيفية مواجهة كل الاحتمالات، وناقش وزير الدفاع الوضع الامني وحاجات الجيش، وكيفية التغطية الاعلامية للاحداث، في حين اشار وزير الخارجية جبران باسيل الى ان مشاركة المجتمع الدولي لمحاربة الارهاب تشكل دعما للجيش ولبنان، وناقش موضوع الرسالتين الموجهتين الى مدعي عام المحكمة الجنائية الدولية، بما يخص العدوان على غزة والجرائم ضد الانسانية في الموصل". وتابع جريج "أوضح الرئيس سلام ان المفاوضات بشأن تحرير اسرى الجيش بدأت بشكل عفوي من جمعية العلماء المسلمين، ولم يكن امام الحكومة سوى خيار حماية عرسال، وبعد تنحي العلماء الملسمين عن المفاوضات، والحكومة لن تتخلى عن مسؤوليتها في الافراج عن العسكريين والدفاع عن لبنان في مواجهة الارهاب". وأعلن ان "المجلس وافق على مرسوم استثنائي لاعطاء افادات تمكن الطلاب من متابع دراستهم الجامعية، وستصدر وزارة التربية تعميما يوضح كيفية استلام الافادات في كافة المناطق، كما وافق المجلس على مرسوم لتنظيم صندوق التعاوني للمختارين، والمصادقة على مشروعين من مشاريع التنمية الحضارية المستدامة للاتحاد من اجل المتوسط".
ولفت الى ان "المجلس وافق على تأليف لجنة وزارية لتقديم الاقتراحات بشأن تخصيص خطوط خليوية لاي جهة في الدولة، والموافقة على آلية العمل الواجب اعتمادها للصندوق المتعدد واعادة صياغة الالية بناء على مناقشة الوزراء في الجلسة، والموافقة على قبول بعض الهبات لبعض الوزارات".-انتهى-
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قضية جورج عبدالله امام فريق اممي معني بالاعتقال التعسفي
القنطار: تلقينا اقتراحات وتوصيات من خبراء الفريق نلتزم عدم اعلانها

(أ.ل) - اجتمع وفد من الحملة الدولية لاطلاق سراح جورج عبدالله ومركز الخيام لتأهيل ضحايا التعذيب مع فريق العمل المعني بالاعتقال التعسفي، في المقر الأوروبي للامم المتحدة في جنيف، بالتزامن مع انعقاد الدورة السبعين للفريق الذي ينظر في انتهاكات حقوق الانسان، وذلك قبل اقل من شهر على موعد صدور القرار القضائي بطلب اطلاق السراح المشروط الذي تقدمه به الاسير اللبناني جورج ابراهيم عبدالله امام محكمة تنفيذ الاحكام في باريس.
ويرأس فريق العمل المعني بالاعتقال التعسفي مادس انديداس (النروج)، ويضم نائب الرئيس فلاديمير تشيلوفسكي (اوكرانيا)، وخوسيه غيفارا (المكسيك)، وستندجي ادجوفي (بنين)، وسونغ فيل هونغ (كوريا الجنوبية).
وقد عرض وفد الحملة لاطلاق عبد الله المستجدات المتعلقة بهذه القضية، طالبا بشكل رسمي ان تتم مراجعة القرار الصادر عن المجموعة في 20 أب 2013 والذي اعتبر ان عبدالله لا تنطبق عليه صفة الاعتقال التعسفي.
اثر اللقاء، قال عضو الوفد بسام القنطار "التقينا بخمسة من الخبراء من فريق العمل المعني بالاعتقال التعسفي، وشرحنا لهم حساسية الوضع القانوني لجورج عبدالله الذي يواجه اطلاق سراحه سيل من الطعون القضائية التي تتقدم بها النيابة العامة الفرنسية بقرار سياسي من الحكومة الفرنسية وبضغط علني وصريح من قبل ادارة الرئيس الاميركي باراك اوباما".
واضاف "لقد بقي جورج عبدالله في السجن من 14 كانون الثاني 2013 ولغاية 4 نيسان 2014 بدون اي مصوغ قانوني، ونحن نتوقع ان يتكرر نفس السيناريو في العام 2015 ، اي ان يقرر القضاء الافراج عنه وان تمنتع وزارة الداخلية الفرنسية عن توقيع قرار بترحيله الى لبنان، لذلك طلبنا من فريق العمل في الامم المتحدة ان يبقى على اطلاع حول مستجدات هذه القضية، خصوصا اننا سنتقدم بمراجعة جديدة في حال استمرت الادارة الفرنسية بتعسفها في عدم اطلاق سراح عبدالله".
وتابع القنطار "أن الاسير عبد الله حوكم بعقوبة السجن المؤبد مترافقة بمنع الإقامة لمدة خمس سنوات، ونهاية فترة الأمان البالغة 15 عاما الناشئة عن هذا الحكم انتهت في 27 تشرين الأول 1999. كما تتضمن منع الإقامة حظر وجوده في بعض الأماكن من فرنسا، اعتبارا من تاريخ الإفراج عنه. في الواقع، كان عبد الله ممنوعا من التواجد على الاراضي الفرنسية لمدة خمس سنوات بموجب قرار نهائي من المحكمة الجزائية في ليون في 10 تموز 1986. ورغم كل ذلك تمنع الحكومة الفرنسية ترحيله الى لبنان متذرعة بحجج قانونية ضعيفة".
وأكد "ان المادة 729-2 من قانون الإجراءات الجنائية لا تلزم الإفراج المشروط، بشرط صدور قرار الترحيل أو قرار تسليمه إلى سلطات بلاده، لأن النصوص تحدد أن الإفراج المشروط غير مرتبط بتنفيذ هذا الإجراء إلا "عندما يتم الحكم على أجنبي بعقوبة السجن فإنه يخضع لفرض حظر تواجده على الأراضي الفرنسية"، وهي ليست قضية عبد الله، الذي لا يخضع لحظر تواجد على الأراضي الفرنسية بل لأمر الاستبعاد. على هذا النحو، فإن الشروط المنصوص عليها في المادة 729-2 من قانون الإجراءات الجنائية تكون قد تحققت تماما، في حين أن المادة D535 من قانون الإجراءات الجنائية تنص في بندها الرابع على أن "القرار الذي يمنح المدان الأجنبي حق الاستفادة من الإفراج المشروط يمكن أن يلزم اللجوء إلى هذا الإجراء الذي يقضي بأن يرحل من الاراضي الوطنية، أو أن يرافق إلى الحدود أو أن يسلم إلى سلطات بلاده، أو أن يغادر البلاد دون عودة". وينص هذا النص صراحة على أن جورج عبد الله، الذي يتعهد بعدم العودة إلى الأراضي الفرنسية، سيغادر الأراضي الفرنسية ليتمكن من الاستفادة من أحكام المادة 729-2 من قانون الإجراءات الجنائية".
وأشار الى ان "الفريق العامل المعني بالإعتقال التعسفي يرى أن الحرمان من الحرية إجراء تعسفي إذا اتضحت استحالة الاحتجاج بأي أساس قانوني لتبرير الحرمان من الحرية مثل إبقاء الشخص رهن الاحتجاز بعد قضاء مدة عقوبته".
وختم القنطار: "تلقينا عدة اقتراحات وتوصيات من قبل خبراء الامم المتحدة، ونلتزم عدم اعلانها كون الاجتماع خاصا ومغلقا".-انتهى-
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وزارة المال اطلقت خدمة إلكترونية جديدة

(أ.ل) - أعلنت وزارة المالية في بيان أنه "اعتبارا من اليوم أصبح بإمكان جميع المكلفين بالضريبة على القيمة المضافة تسديد الضريبة المتوجبة عليهم وفقا للتصاريح الكترونيا، وذلك بالدخول إلى الخدمة الالكترونية عبر موقع وزارة المالية الالكتروني www.finance.gov.lb والدخول إلى الصفحة الضريبية وتعبئة النموذج المعتمد واتباع الخطوات المبينة على الموقع".
اضاف البيان "وتستمر الوزارة في العمل بموجب خدمة التسجيل الالكتروني والمباشر التي وضعتها في وقت سابق من هذا العام، أمام جميع المكلفين بالضريبة على القيمة المضافة وضريبة الدخل على الرواتب والأجور بالإضافة إلى الضريبة على الأملاك المبنية عن إيرادات 2013 وتسديد ضريبة الأملاك المبنية وفقا لجداول التكليف الصادرة عن وزارة المالية".-انتهى-
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ضبط قذائف "ار.بي.جي" داخل سيارة في الهرمل وتوقيف السائق ومرافقه

(أ.ل) - صدر عن قيادة الجيش- مديرية التوجيه اليوم الخميس 28/8/2014 البيان الآتي:
بتاريخه عند الساعة 13,00، أوقف حاجز الجيش في وادي فيسان - الهرمل سيارة نوع فولفو 244 GL لون كحلي رقمها 163945/و، يقودها المواطن احمد محمد الحجيري، وبرفقته المواطن اشرف محمد عز الدين. وقد ضبط بداخل السيارة المذكورة على عدد من قذائف آر بي جي.
تم تسليم الموقوفَيْن مع المضبوطات الى المراجع المختصة لإجراء اللازم.-انتهى-
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Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
----------

قزي: لعلاقة تكاملية وتحفيزية بين المؤسسات الصناعية والضمان

إحياء ذكرى "إخفاء" الإمام الصدر وصحبه في الشبريحا – صور
حمدان: الحراك الشعبي كان وفياً لفلسطين

(أ.ل) - أقامت حركة "أمل" في اقليم جبل عامل -; المنطقة الاولى ولمناسبة الذكرى السنويـة السادسة والثلاثين لاختطاف الامام المغيب "اخفاء" سماحة الإمام السيد موسى الصدر وأخويه الصحافي السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب، ندوة فكرية في بلدة الشبريحا تحدث فيها عضو هيئـة الرئاسة لحركـة  أمـل الدكتور الحاج خليل حمدان  تحت عنوان: "الامام السيد موسى الصدر والصراع  مع العدو الصهيوني"، بحضور عدد من رجال الدين من مختلف المذاهب والطوائف ومسؤولين في المقاومـة الفلسطينية وقيادات حركية وممثلين للأندية الثقافية والرياضية والكشفية  وحشد من أبنـاء الشبريحا والمحيط من فلسطينيين ولبنانيين. 
وتحدث حمدان عن المقاومة وظروفها منذ مـا قبل الـ 48، قائلا انّ" الحراك الشعبي كان وفياً لفلسطين ولم يكن ينقصنا الإخلاص على المستوى الشعبي ولكن الحكام  في تلك الحقبة لم يكونوا على مستوى طموحـات وآمال الشعوب بل على العكس أحدثوا انكساراً لتضحيات كبيرة فنحن نذكر الشيخ عز الدين القسام واستشهاده  عام 1935 وكذلك الوقفات الجريئة للمقاومة الشعبية في تلك الفترة  وكذلك مواقف الامام السيد عبد الحسين شرف الدين الذي وجه نداءً شهيراً عام 1948 لمناسبة الأول من محرم  ليكون الانتصار للإمام الحسين (ع) بالوفاء لقضية فلسطين عندما قال" هذا شهر محرم الدامي الذي  انتصرت فيه عقيدة وبعث منه مبدأ الا ان قتلة الحسين بكر في القتلات فلتكن قدوتنا به بكراً في القدوات ليكون لنا ولفلسطين ما كان له ولقضيته من حياة ومجد وخلود".              
وأضاف حمدان ان" رسالة عبد القادر الحسيني لم تزل  في أدراج جامعة الدول العربيـة عندما أرسل رسالة الى جامعة الدول العربية في 5 نيسان 1948 أثناء معركـة القسطل والتي انتصر فيها بداية إلا أن تخاذل العرب وعدم ايصال الدعم حول النصر الى هزيمة ولذلك جاء في برقيته الى جامعة الدول العربية " لقد تركتم جنودي في عز انتصاراتهم دون عون أو سلاح إني أحملكم المسؤولية"، والرد لم يأت حتى هذه اللحظة".-انتهى-
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الجيش: تفجير ذخائر في وطى الجوز

(أ.ل) - صدر عن قيادة الجيش- مديرية التوجيه بتاريخ اليوم الأربعاء 27/8/2014 البيان الآتي:
بتاريخه، عند الساعة 15,15، ستقوم وحدة من الجيش، بتفجير ذخائر غير منفجرة في حقل تفجير وطى الجوز.-انتهى-
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Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
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بقرادوني وحاطوم حاضرا في ذكرى تغييب "إخفاء" الإمام وصحبه:
لكلمة سواء والحوار والتفاهم لحفظ بلدنا

(أ.ل) - نظمت حركة "امل" - المنطقة الثالثة في اقليم بيروت ندوة في حسينية الوقف الشيعي في مبنى بلدية برج البراجنة بعنوان "سلم لبنان افضل وجوه الحرب مع اسرائيل"، لمناسبة الذكرى الثالثة والثلاثين لتغييب "إخفاء" سماحة الامام السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب، شارك فيها الوزير السابق كريم بقرادوني والمسؤول الاعلامي المركزي لحركة "أمل" طلال حاطوم وحضرها المسؤول التنظيمي لاقليم بيروت في الحركة علي بردى وقيادات من الاقليم والمنطقة الثالثة وفاعليات دينية واجتماعية وثقافية وبلدية ومخاتير وحشد من المواطنين.
أدار الندوة المسؤول الاعلامي لاقليم بيروت في الحركة محمد غريب الذي تحدث عن "ادراك الامام لاهمية الوحدة الوطنية بين اللبنانيين كدعامة اساسية في مواجهة الاخطار المحدقة ببلدهم ولا سيما الاسرائيلية منها".
بقرادوني
ثم تحدث بقرادوني، مشيرا الى ان "من يعرف الامام الصدر مرة لن ينساه مدى الحياة". وقال: "أعترف امامكم اني ومنذ غياب الامام الصدر ورفيقيه أشعر ان ظلما لحق بي وبكل لبناني وبكل عربي وبكل انسان. هذا الظلم لا يعوض الا بعودة الغائبين الى ديارهم ومعاقبة الفاعلين والمشاركين والمتواطئين الاحياء منهم والاموات الذين ارتكبوا هذه الجريمة ضد الانسانية التي لا يمر عليها الزمن".
وتابع "لا أشي سرا ان قلت ان الامام الصدر سحرني، ولا عجب فكل من عرفه وقع في سحره ولا اعبر عن سحري اليوم ومن منبر برج البراجنة المشكورة لاستضافتنا، بل اني عبرت عن هذا الشعور قبل حوالى ثلاثين عاما ومن منبر جريدة العمل الناطقة باسم حزب الكتائب اللبنانية وفي عددها الصادر في 30 نيسان 1975، اي بعد اسبوعين فقط على اندلاع حرب لبنان فتوجهت حينذاك بكتاب مفتوح الى الامام الصدر قلت فيه: "بالامس كنا نخاف منك واليوم صرنا نخاف عليك, لقد أتيتنا غريبا ومن بعيد فتصورك البعض مصيبة وتصورك البعض الاخر هبة، وسرعان ما قرعت لك اجراس عشقوت وفتحت امامك ابواب الكنائس في الكبوشية ومنابر الجوامع في صيدا. لقد استطعت ان تبقى هادئا حين هاجت النعرات وكنت سلطة تهدئة متددة التحرك. حينا كنت تحمي الاقليات المسيحية في المناطق الاسلامية والاثليات الاسلامية في المناطق المسيحية، وحينا كنت تطفئ النيران حيث تشتعل وتمنع الاشتعال حيث يبرز الخطر الاسرائيلي..لم تكن عملية التهدئة لتنجح لولا سلكتك الشخصية . لم تكون بوليسا دوليا او لجنة مراقبة بل كنت سلطة ذاتية تستمد قوتها من ثقتها بنفسها وثقة النفس بها ...
لم تستمد سلطتك من احد بل اقتنصتها اقتناصا. قبلك كان الجنوب ارضا دون ضمير، ومعك اصبح ضميرا داخل كل بيت لبناني ... الذي يستطيع ان يحول اليأس الى امل يستطيع ان يحول النار الى نور, وقد اطلقت قضية انت من حجمها وهي من حجمك".
واضاف بقرادوني "ان من راهن على ان غياب الامام الصدر سيحول دون نهوض الطائفة الشيعية ودون استمرار حركة "امل" ودون انطلاقة المقاومة كان واهما وقد خاب ظنه ولم يفهم ان ابناء الامام الصدر لن يتركوا المشعل يسقط من يد الامام وفي مقدمهم ابنه الحبيب الرئيس نبيه بري الذي لم يحفظ الوزنات التي تسلمها من الامام بل راح يزيدها وزنة فاصبحت امة الامام الصدر لا تقف عند حدود الطائفة الشيعية وترجم قناعاته بالعديد من وصايا الامام".
وقال: "ان الذين ارتكبوا جريمة خطف الامام الصدر في الماضي يرتكبون جريمة تمويل وتدريب الحركات التكفيرية في الحاضر. في الامس ارادوا القضاء على النهضة الاسلامية المتمثلة بالامام عن طريق التغييب واليوم يريدون العودة بالاسلام الى الوراء عن طريق الارهاب. وللتاريخ اقول استسهلوا البارحة الاعتداء على الامام ورفيقيه, استسهلوا اليوم الاعتداء على الاسلام والمسلمين وكل الناس".
حاطوم
من جهته، اشار حاطوم الى "حراك الامام الصدر بين منطقة واخرى، حيث لم يكن يفرق بين منطقة محرومة واخرى"، وقال: "إن الامام كان يدرك ان لبنان يحتاج الى عدالة اجتماعية ومساواة وانماء متوازن بعيدا عن اي تمييز طائفي او مناطقي، وهو كان يتعاطى مع الانسان كانسان مهما كان انتماؤه لانه كان يعي ان الحرمان لا يعرف دينا ولا طائفة، وهو يوحد بين جميع المحرومين من كل الطوائف".
واضاف "ان الامام الصدر كان يعرف ان الحرمان يوجه اهتمامات المحرومين بغير اتجاهها الصحيح نحو العدو الاسرائيلي، لذلك كان سعيه الدؤوب لرفعه عنهم".
وتابع "ها نحن نحفظ الوصية يا سيدي الامام لحماية الوحدة الوطنية، وقد حفظنا عن ظهر قلب ان التعايش الاسلامي المسيحي ثروة يجب التمسك بها"، مضيفا "سنسعى لان نكون على اهبة الاستعداد لنقدم التضحيات لحفظ وطننا من كل المؤمرات التي تحاك ضده ولا سيما اننا على خط التماس المباشر مع فلسطين المحتلة حيث ينتظر العدو الفرصة المناسبة لينقض على لبنان، ولكن لن نسمح ان تمس كرامة لبنان من اي جهة ارادت ذلك ومهما كان حجم هذه التضحيات".
واكد حاطوم "اننا باقون هنا في لبنان لنحقق كل وصايا الامام الصدر تحت راية الرئيس نبيه بري الذي يسعى دائما الى لم الشمل واطفاء النيران التي يحاول البعض اشعالها".
ودعا حاطوم الجميع الى "كلمة سواء والحوار والتلاقي للاتفاق بعدما جربنا الخلاف فكان ما كان من دمار وخراب لم يستفد منه الا اعداء لبنان وفي مقدمهم العدو الاسرائيلي"، مشيرا الى "النار التكفيرية التي حلت على بلادنا لتصبح دويلات تتقاسمها الادوات الغربية بعد الغوص بالدماء". وقال: "اننا نحاول اليوم ان نخلص لبنان من كل هذه النيران المشتعلة"، داعيا "الجميع الى الابتعاد عن الحساسيات والحسابات الضيقة لننقذ بلدنا لانه لا مصلحة لبلدنا ان يبقى من دون رئيس للجمهورية، لذلك المصلحة الوطنية ترتب علينا التنازل من اجل الوطن وحمايته ومنعته في ظل ما يحدق به حاليا من اخطار ومن اجل بقاء امنه مستقرا".
واخيرا، دعا حاطوم الجميع الى "الالتفاف حول المقاومة بما تعني، وحول جيشنا الوطني الذي اراده الامام الصدر ان يكون في موقعه الصحيح على حدود الوطن لحمايته وحماية اهله، وها هو الجيش اليوم كما المقاومة يقدم التضحيات الجسام من اجل هذا الهدف".-انتهى-
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العثور على منصة إطلاق صاروخ باتجاه الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة

(أ.ل) - صدر عن قيادة الجيش – مديرية التوجيه بتاريخ اليوم الثلاثاء 26/8/2014 البيان الآتي:
بنتيجة عمليات التفتيش التي قامت بها وحدات الجيش إثر قيام مجهولين بعد ظهر أمس، بإطلاق صاروخ من منطقة وادي الجرمق باتجاه الأراضي الفلسطينية المحتلة، عثرت دورية من الجيش ليل أمس في المنطقة المذكورة على المنصة التي أطلق منها الصاروخ، بالإضافة إلى صاروخ عيار 122 ملم معدّ للإطلاق. وقد بوشر التحقيق في الحادث لكشف الفاعلين.-انتهى-
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نقابة مزارعي البطاطا في البقاع انتخبت مجلسها التنفيذي

(أ.ل) - عقد المجلس التنفيذي المنتخب لنقابة مزارعي البطاطا في البقاع اجتماعه الاول، بعد انتخابه مباشرة وبحضور جميع الاعضاء، حيث اقتصر جدول الاعمال على بند واحد وهو الانتخاب وتوزيع المهام على الاعضاء. وبعد ان ترأس الجلسة العضو الاكبر سنا عمر الميس بدأت عملية الانتخاب، فجاءت النتيجة على الشكل التالي: جورج صقر رئيسا، عمر الخطيب نائبا للرئيس، هود الطعيمة امينا للسر، سامي المجدلاني مساعد امين السر، هاني جعفر امين الصندوق، حسن صالح مسؤول الاعلام، البير طعمة مسؤول العلاقات العامة، كريم مدور مسؤول الشؤون الزراعية، محمد الجاروش محاسبا، عمر الميس مسؤول الارشاد والتدريب، زياد العريان مسؤول الشؤون الاجتماعية والصحية وطوني شديد مفتشا. –انتهى-
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قهوجي التقى وفد ملتقى الأديان وفعاليات الاغتراب اللبناني

استقبل قائد الجيش العماد جان قهوجي في مكتبه في اليرزة، وفداً من ملتقى الأديان والثقافات للتنمية والحوار، ضمّ عدداً من الشخصيات الروحية والفكرية والاجتماعية.
كما استقبل وفداً آخر من فعاليات الاغتراب اللبناني من مختلف بلدان العالم، وقد تناول البحث الأوضاع الحالية التي تمرّ بها البلاد.-انتهى-
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Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
 

فضيحة: شخصية خليجية تسبّبت بمعركة عرسال وقدوم سعد الحريري إلى لبنان
 
(أ.ل) – كتب الزميل ماهر الدنا لموقع "سلاب نيوز" بتاريخ 21/8/2014 عن فضيحة ثكنة الجيش في عرسال حيث تم الإشارة إلى نجل وزير العلاقات الخارجية السعودية بندر بن سلطان وعن تمويله للجهات التي تسمي نفسها إسلامية وجاء الخبر النبأ كما يلي:
لم يمضِ شهر على معركة عرسال، حتّى تسرّب سبب المعركة الرئيسي، والذي تساءل اللّبنانيون طيلة أيّام المعركة وما بعدها عن الأسباب، التي حيّرت الرأي العام، لا سيّما أنّ الحالة العرسالية المستجدة ليست وليدة شهر أو اثنين، بل هي نتاج ثلاث سنوات من الأزمة السورية التي لا بدّ للبنان أن يتأثّر ويؤثّر بها، هو الذي يتداخل ويتشارك مع سوريا في كل شيء تقريباً، من الأفراح، إلى الأتراح، مروراً بمواجهة الإجرام التكفيري.
تفاصيل الرواية الحقيقية والتي حصلت عليها "سلاب نيوز" بعد تداولها في عدد من الصالونات السياسية تحتاج من ساردها الكثير من الدقّة، هي التي يتداخل بها القرار السياسي وإرادة الجيش وتضحياته، ومعه التدخّل الخارجي والدعم الخليجي للمسلّحين، وكذلك دور شخصيات لبنانية في احتواء ما جرى.
البداية كانت منذ الخمسة أشهر التي سبقت المعركة، كانت عرسال تغلي خلالها على وقع دخول وخروج مسلّحين يحضّرون أنفسهم لمعركة قاسية في الجرود مع حزب الله من الجهة اللبنانية، والجيش العربي السوري من الجهة السورية. لم يكن الجيش اللبناني طوال الفترة الماضية بالمراقب، لا بل كان يلاحق هذه المجموعات، ويوقف ما تيسّر له من عناصر تقع في قبضته. خلال تلك الفترة رصد الجيش اللبناني زيارات متعاقبة، بمعدل مرة شهريّاً، لنجل أحد رؤساء إستخبارات دولة خليجية، يُدعى الأمير م. بن ب.، كان حينها يدخل من عرسال نحو الجرود، يوصل أموالاً نقدية، يتواصل مع قيادات المسلحين، ثم يعود عبر عرسال إلى بيروت ويغادر عبر مطارها الدولي.
رصد الجيش اللبناني لهذه الشخصية، دفعه إلى توقيفها في الأوّل من آب على أحد حواجزه على مداخل عرسال، حين أبرز بطاقة ديبلوماسية تتبع لسفارة خليجية، وبحوزته حقائب مليئة بالأموال. أُدخل م.ب.ب إلى التحقيق في ثكنة تابعة للجيش في المنطقة، علم المسلحون أنّ من يحمل رواتبهم الشهرية موجودٌ لدى الجيش، همّ عماد جمعة وتوجّه نحو الثكنة.
دخل جمعة الثكنة طالباً مقابلة الضابط الأعلى رتبةً فيها، فأُدخل مكتب آمرها، ودار حديث بينهما، هدّد به جمعة الجيش اللبناني بحرق الثكنة في حال لم يُطلق سراح م.ب.ب. سمعه آمر الثكنة حتى انتهى من تهديداته، أمر عندها عناصر المكتب باعتقاله وتوقيفه هو الآخر.
ساعات مضت دون أن يعود عماد جمعة لـ"إخوته" المقاتلين، علم هؤلاء أنّ "أميرهم الجديد" (معلومات تؤكد مقتل أبو حسن الفلسطيني قبل أيّام من بدء المعركة وليس خلالها) قد أوقف. قاموا بالهجوم على الثكنة، قتلوا من قتلوا من جنود وضباط داخلها، خطفوا من بقيوا أحياء، وبحثوا عن م.ب.ب وعماد جمعة، لم يجدوا أيًّا منهما، كانت قيادة الجيش قد سحبت المعتقلين إلى اليرزة قبل نصف ساعة من الهجوم. وبدأت المعركة التي شهدها العالم أجمع. بعد أيّام من اندلاعها، توجّه رئيس جمهورية سابق للقاء قائد الجيش العماد جان قهوجي في وزارة الدفاع. نقل الرئيس السابق طلب من دولة الموقوف م.ب.ب. بإخلاء سبيله. بشكلٍ قاطع، رفض العماد قهوجي الطلب الذي نقله الرئيس إليه. عاد الرجل ورد الجواب لمن طلب منه السؤال.
بعد ظهر اليوم نفسه، أعلن الرئيس سعد الحريري عن هبة المليار دولار. وبعد أقل من 48 ساعة يطل الرجل مرة أخرى، هذه المرة من بيروت. جولة في العاصمة ما بين ضريح والده الشهيد، والسراي الحكومي، ثم بيته في وسط بيروت. تفاجأ اللبنانيون حينها أنّ الرجل المهدّد أمنيّاً والمنكفئ عن العودة لبلده من ثلاث سنوات، عاد رغم عدم زوال التهديدات الذي سبق وأعلن هو عنها.
إجتماعات علنية وغير علنية جمعت الحريري بالقيادة السياسية في البلاد، نتج عنها ضغوطات كبيرة على قيادة الجيش لإطلاق سراح م.ب.ب. وكما يكبّل القرار السياسي الجيش دائماً ويمنع عنه التسليح ويحاول رميه فيما لا عمل له فيه، غادر الرئيس سعد الحريري بيروت عند الرابعة والنصف من فجر الثالث عشر من آب وبصحبته م.ب.ب بلباسه الخليجي التقليدي. أُعلن فيما بعد من خلال بيان وُزّع أنّ الرئيس الحريري وصل إلى جدّة.
علم الرأي العام في لبنان كيف بدأت معركة عرسال، ولكنّ أسباب المعركة كانت خافية عنه، وكذلك أسباب توقّفها. اليوم، انكشف المستور، وبات بحكم الفضيحة، فضيحة برسم الرأي العام ودماء الشهداء وتضحيات المؤسسة العسكرية وقيادتها.-انتهى-
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"أمل" أحيت الذكرى السنوية لتغييب "إخفاء" الإمام الصدر وصحبه في بلدة القصر بالهرمل
 
(أ.ل) - أحيت حركة "أمل" الذكرى السنوية لتغييب "إخفاء" سماحة الإمام السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب باحتفال أقيم في حسينية الإمام الصادق (ع) في بلدة القصر في قضاء الهرمل، حضره عضو هيئة الرئاسة في الحركة الشيخ حسن المصري، النائب مروان فارس وحشد من الفعاليات والأهالي.
المصري تحدث في الاحتفال عن حركة الإمام المغيب وعن دوره التأسيسي للمقاومة ضد "إسرائيل" التي كان يعتقد جيداً أنها أوهن من بيت العنكبوت وهو الذي واجه الظالمين بمواقفه حتى غيبوه عن الساحة. وكانت كلمة لرئيس بلدية القصر ديب قطايا عن مزايا الإمام المغيب قبل افتتاح نصب تذكاري على مدخل البلدة.-انتهى-
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الجيش: تفجير ذخائر في محيط قبريخا - الجنوب

(أ.ل) - صدر عن قيادة الجيش- مديرية التوجيه اليوم الإثنين 25/8/2014 البيان الآتي:
بتاريخه، ما بين الساعة 11.30 والساعة 13,00، ستقوم جمعية أجيال السلام العاملة في مجال نزع الألغام، بتفجير ذخائر غير منفجرة في محيط بلدة قبريخا - الجنوب.-انتهى-
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"أمل" في ذكرى تغييب "إخفاء" الإمام الصدر وصحبه: مدعوون لتأكيد مواقفه بان لبنان
دولة مواجهة وتحد وموعدنا على كل محطات الاعلام الموحدة حوله في 31 آب

(أ.ل) - صدر عن المكتب السياسي لحركة "أمل" بيان لمناسبة الذكرى السادسة والثلاثين لتغييب "إخفاء" سماحة الامام السيد موسى الصدر وصحبه الأستاذ السيد عباس بدر الدين وفضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب ونص على الآتي:
"ايها اللبنانيون، يا ابناء الامام القائد السيد موسى الصدر، لقد تعودنا منكم الوفاء وتعودتم منا التضحية والعطاء.
في الذكرى السادسة والثلاثين لتغييب "إخفاء" نظام القذافي البائد لسماحة الامام القائد السيد موسى الصدر واخويه الصحافي عباس بدر الدين فضيلة الشيخ محمد يعقوب، والذي يصادف يوم الاحد 31 آب، ندعوكم لجعل هذا اليوم يوما لبنانيا وعربيا ودوليا من اجل الحرية، حرية الامام الصدر وصحبه وحرية المطرانين: يوحنا ابراهيم وبولس اليازجي، حرية جنودنا البواسل وعناصرنا الامنية المختطفة على يد الارهاب، حرية الذين تعرضوا للسبي في العراق وحرية المحتجزين في كل انحاء العالم، خصوصا اولئك الابطال المعتقلين في سجون الاحتلال الاسرائيلي.
اننا بمناسبة الحادي والثلاثين من آب ندعوكم ايها الاحبة لاستعادة وبناء الذاكرة حول شخصية الامام الصدر كقائد ومفكر ومفسر ومؤسس لحركتكم امل، هذه الحركة الوطنية التي سعت ولا تزال وبالوسائل الديموقراطية لازالة الحرمان وتأكيد المشاركة، وبناء وصنع حوار مستمر حول القضايا الوطنية وترسيخ الوفاق والسلم الاهلي، والعبور الى الدولة وتأكيد قيام النظام البرلماني الديموقراطي.
ايها اللبنانيون، اننا جميعا بالمناسبة مدعوون لجعل لبنان كما قال الامام الصدر "بلد المؤمنين" وقد كانت دماء اللبنانيين التي اريقت على مساحة ارض الوطن كفيلة بالتصدي لاكبر مؤامرة عرفتها المنطقة، وتأكيدا ان لبنان بالتالي يرفض العودة الى الوراء للوقوع في واقع التصدع والانقسام الجاري في المنطقة وانه سيكون قويا ومنيعا بوحدته الوطنية بمواجهة ما تحمله الاخطار العابرة للحدود من تهديدات، وسيبقى الانموذج العالمي والشرق الاوسطي والعربي الفريد في تعايشه.
إننا مدعوون في هذا اليوم للتأكيد على مواقف الامام الصدر، من ان لبنان دولة مواجهة ودولة تحد لأنه امام اسرائيل ونتيجة لموقعه الجغرافي، ولا بد من ان نعيد الى اللبناني أفقه الواسع لكي ينتج ويساهم في صناعة المستقبل وتاريخه والتاريخ الانساني.
ان الشعب اللبناني وفي الحادي والثلاثين من آب يوم الوفاء للامام الصدر، مدعو للتأكيد ان المقاومة والشهادة الحقيقية بمواجهة الارهاب والعدوانية الاسرائيلية على حدود الوطن الجنوبية موازية للمقاومة والشهادة على حدود الوطن الشرقية والشمالية بمواجهة الارهاب والعدوانية التكفيرية، انطلاقا من تأكيد الامام الصدر "ان الشهادة في الحقيقة لا تتجزأ وان الدم المهراق من جسم الوطن لا يقبل التفرقة، بل هو ينبوع خلاص وعربون الحياة الجديدة.
ان الحادي والثلاثين من آب يوم الامام الصدر، هو يوم لتأكيد خلاص لبنان واستعادة وحدته ومؤسساته، واستذكار دماء الشهداء اللبنانيين المؤمنين والمجاهدين من كل المناطق والطوائف والمذاهب والجهات والفئات التي تمكنت من التصدي لحروب اسرائيل وتحرير الارض التي احتلتها وردع عدوانيتها، وكذلك منع التقسيم وخلق دويلات واسرائيليات جديدة، وجعل لبنان ضمانة وسندا قويا للشعب الفلسطيني وحقوقه الوطنية الثابتة.
ان الحادي والثلاثين من آب هو يوم لتأكيد رفض الطائفية السياسية والانحياز الى لبنان الدولة المدنية المؤمنة التي تعتمد الكفاءات والعدالة وتكافؤ الفرص.
فيا ابناء الجنوب ويا ابناء العرقوب، يا ابناء السهل الممتنع البقاع، يا ابناء الشمال، يا ابناء الجبل ويا ابناء بيروت، تعالوا في الحادي والثلاثين من آب نتحصن بالامام الصدر وندعو لخلاصه ورفيقيه من جلاديه وتحريره، واستعادته لحقه الانساني في العودة الى وطنه واهله وابنائه.
إن موعدنا معكم وعلى كل محطات الاعلام المرئي والمسموع التي توحدت حول الامام الصدر سيكون عند الثامنة من مساء الاحد الحادي والثلاثين من آب.
اننا بالمناسبة اذ نشكر وسائل الاعلام اللبنانية على هذا الدور التوحدي والانحياز الى الحرية، فإننا نتوجه بالشكر الى المجلس البلدي لمدينة بيروت على وضعه امكانياته الاعلامية لابراز معاني يوم الوفاء للامام الصدر.
الحادي والثلاثون من آب هو يوم آلام الامام الصدر، فلنجعله يوم خلاص للامام الصدر وللبنان بمواجهة الآلام الكبرى التي تعصف بالمنطقة، وبمواجهة الايدي نفسها التي تعود لزرع الشقاق والفتن، وبمواجهة غموض الاوضاع وقسوة الظروف.
وأمل بنصره تعالى وعودة الامام القائد وصحبه".-انتهى-
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مركز الخيام : قضية عبدالله سيعاد طرحها في جنيف

(أ.ل) - اعلن مركز الخيام لتأهيل ضحايا التعذيب في بيان:
"ان قضية المناضل جورج ابراهيم عبدالله سيعاد طرحها امام مجموعة العمل حول الاعتقال التعسفي في الامم المتحدة في جنيف يومي 26 و27 آب 2014، وسوف يمثل المركز في الاجتماع بسام القنطار منسق الحملة الدولية للافراج عن عبدالله ومحامية الفرنسي وعدد من المحامين العرب المتواجدين في جنيف".
وامل المركز "ان تواكب وزارة الخارجية اللبنانية عبر البعثة اللبنانية في جنيف هذا الاجتماع لاعادة اثارة قضية عبدالله وتأمين الحشد الدولي لممارسة الضغوط على الحكومة الفرنسية للافراج عنه".-انتهى-
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Moammar Gaddafi, Socialist Revolutionary Or Charlatan?
By Dave Fryett
15 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org
Defining socialism broadly as the advocacy of an egalitarian, classless society, and those figures and movements who made it their cause, what is Moammar Gaddafi's place in this evolution? He is never mentioned in the same league as the more influential thinkers such as Lukacs or Gramsci or Foucault, and rightly so, but he is the creator of the Third Universal Theory. It rejects capitalism and communism in favor of an organic, participatory, bottom-up process which he dubbed Jamahiriya (Arabic for "government by the masses"). This democratic contruct was rendered impotent however, when he induced it to cede critical decision-making powers to him. Nevertheless, he did effect boldly anti-capitalist measures which abolished "slave wage labor" and made all workers equal partners."Power, wealth, and weapons--in the hands of the people," is Jamahiriya's mission statement.
While Gaddafi's autocracy vexes most socialists, it is not incompatible with some strains of Marxist thought. He wields no more power than did Lenin, Castro, or Mao. Allowing for the sake of analysis that the vesting of unvitiated prerogative in a single individual is consonant with the aims of socialism, has Gaddafi used Libya's wealth and his authority to promote international socialist transformation? What follows is an assessment, admittedly scant, narrow, and desultory, of Gaddafi as a revolutionary.
In 2003, Moammar Gaddafi made a "slimy, disgusting" deal to accept responsibility for the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions against Libya.
[1,2]
 
The bargain was brokered by the Rothschild family with negotiations taking place in their hillside mansion on the island of Corfu.
[2]
 Since then the Colonel has been the darling of Western capital, even winning the praise of the ever-fastidious IMF.
[3]
 He has thrown open Libya's markets to freebooting investment banks and privatized much of its industries.
[3,4]
The Rothschild's chief salesman and million-dollar "part-time" consultant, Tony Blair, negotiated shared-operating agreements on behalf of BP (the family's British oil company) and Shell (their Dutch holding) in which the former British prime minister secured a eighty-five percent share for his employer.
[5]
 So great is now the investment of foreign capital in the Central Bank of Libya and the Libya Investment Authority (sovereign wealth fund) that it exceeds by half the oil-rich nation's entire GDP.
[3]
Gaddafi too has taken to investing his and Libya's money in everything from real estate to banks and newspapers and even an Italian football (soccer) team.
[6]
 
In fact, so convivial is the relationship between the "socialist" Libyan leader and his new bourgeois friends that he has taken a position in the Pearson Group, which publishes the Financial Times, the voice of international capital.
[6]
 If it is the case that the Corfu deal was a Faustian bargain entered into by Gaddafi of necessity and in contravention of his dearest personal convictions, then congratulations are in order. For not only has he overcome his long-held, oft-proclaimed aversion to capitalism, he seems to be thriving in his new life as an entrepreneur. If one didn't know better, it might appear as though he were enjoying his new membership in the global billionaires' club. For most it would be a daunting task to partner with those against whom one has spent a lifetime in bellicose opposition, not so for the Colonel. Gaddafi is so deeply ensconced in the milieu of high finance that some of his new fraternity brothers are suffering the effects of the Libyan revolution along with him.
[7]
That Gaddafi is now wedded to capital is beyond dispute, but since 1969, when, at the head of the Movement of Free Officers, Socialists, and Unionists, he overthrew the Libyan monarchy, there have been whispers that he was the tool of imperial interests and was aided in the coup by the British.
[8]
 At first blush this appears ridiculous. It is difficult to imagine how the Brits could have been unhappy with the deposed king, Idris I, as he was utterly compliant. Why then should they intrigue against him? Yet when one examines Gaddafi's career, one is struck by the shear number of controversies in which there is ample reason to believe he acted in concert with reactionary forces. Many of these disturbing episodes concern his campaigns in Africa. This worthy topic, as it is far too broad and I too inexpert, cannot be done justice here.
[9,10,11]
 Instead I will focus on three puzzling incidents whose reverberations were felt more keenly in Europe and the Mideast.

The Edwin Wilson Affair
One of the more serious charges against Gaddafi is that he is a sponsor of terrorism. What is less well known is that arms and explosives which the Libyan leader distributed were provided by a CIA agent named Edwin Wilson. And that at least some of the terror operations were in fact the false-flag operations of Western intelligence services.
Edwin Wilson ostensibly left the agency in 1971. Thereafter he ran shipping companies as part of a naval intelligence unit called Task Force 157. One such outfit was World Marine. As its head, Wilson brokered a series of arms deals for American intelligence, including one which sent a high-tech spy ship to Iran. These clandestine purchases were laundered by the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia, a CIA front. The bank eventually imploded and the resulting investigation revealed its illegal activities. Wilson, by this time living in Libya, was indicted on weapons and other charges in the US and a request for extradition was made, which was refused.
Gaddafi was Wilson's biggest customer. World Marine had provided him with arms and no less than twenty tons of military-grade plastic explosives. Under Wilson's direction, "former" American intelligence agents and Green Berets trained Libya's army and police. A weapon used to murder a Gaddafi opponent living in Bonn, West Germany was provided by Wilson. A Libyan dissident living in Colorado was assassinated by one of Wilson's Green Berets who traveled from and subsequently returned to Libya. It is no wonder Gaddafi didn't want to hand Wilson over.
Wilson was tricked by one of his "former" CIA colleagues into believing he could safely travel to the Carribean where he was arrested. At his trial he said that he was still a CIA agent and acting under their orders, and that he was being made the fall guy to protect the agency. CIA Executive Director Charles Briggs produced an affidavit which falsely claimed that they had had no dealings with Wilson after his putative resignation in 1971. Wilson was convicted on numerous charges, and sentenced to 52 years.
Once in prison, through the Freedom of Information Act Wilson obtained scores of government documents dated after 1971 in which he is named as an agent. He sought and received a new trial and the federal judge in Houston, Lynn Hughes, overturned the most serious conviction saying that the prosecutor and the CIA had "deliberately deceived" the court in the first trial and that Wilson had been "double-crossed" by the agency.
It is incomprehensible that Gaddafi didn't know with whom he was dealing. He would also have to know that the weaponry he provided to terrorists would have been unavailable if US intelligence didn't want those organizations to have them. Furthermore, these arms ended up in the hands of the Palestine Liberation Front, among others, who under the leadership of Abu Abbas commandeered the cruise ship Achille Lauro in 1985. According to Mossad defector Ari Ben-Menashe, the hijacking was part of a series of black ops orchestrated by Israeli intelligence.
[12]
 This was not the only case where weapons provided by Gaddafi were used in "terror attacks" which later were revealed to be the operations of Western intelligence services. Arms originating with the CIA through its man Wilson are sold to Libya, and pass into the hands of reputed terror cells, which turn out in fact to be agents of Western governments, was Gaddafi duped each time? Or was he complicit?
[13,14,15,16]
The Case of the Missing Imam
In 1928, Musa as-Sadr (sometimes transliterated al-Sadr) was born in Iran to a Shi'ite family of Lebanese Arabs. He attended Tehran University where he earned degrees in Islamic Jurisprudence and Political Science. He continued his Islamic studies after graduation and became a widely revered imam.
Sadr was one of those rare clerics who could submerge in his own ecumenical culture without succumbing to disdain for the secular world or other religious traditions. He was a progressive, as much concerned with the affairs of state as with theology. During his years at university, he became acquainted with radical teachers and students who would later play a pivotal role in the Iranian revolution. He also became associated with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a leftist dissident group opposed to the Shah. As an imam and the son of an ayatollah, he had extensive contacts within the clergy. He was related to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini by marriage.
In 1960, Sadr accepted an offer to go to Lebanon and become the chief imam in the city of Tyre. Imam Musa was appalled to see the extent to which the ruling pro-Western Christian and Sunni factions had subjugated the Shi'a. He began to agitate for reform. In 1967, he persuaded the government to recognize the Twelvers (a Shi'ite denomination) as an official Lebanese community, which gave them civil rights. In 1974, he launched the Movement of the Disinherited. It operated clinics and schools and other essential services for the poor, and lobbied the government on their behalf. Many of their leaders were drawn from the Iranian expatriate community which had fled the Shah and his feared security apparatus, the SAVAK.
While mainly Shi'ite, the Movement stood for all of Lebanon's disadvantaged and claimed Christians among its founding members. It also reached out to other religious minorities and in so doing won the favor of Syrian ruler Hafez al-Assad. The Assads are Alawis, an independent sect regarded as non-Islamic by some Muslims. Sadr aggressively courted the autonomous group in the hope of bringing them into the Twelver fold. Perhaps his motives for embracing the Alawis had more to do with a larger political vision than a concern for theological comity, but in either case he succeeded.
[17]
The Assads were strengthened by the agreement as objection to their rule on religious grounds was thereby invalidated. Mutual interest thickened to friendship and the goodwill between Sadr and the House of Assad spawned a networking back-channel for Mideast dissidents of all stripes.
Due in no small part to the imam's successes, relations between the Lebanese government and the Movement deteriorated. Sadr was allied with the Lebanese National Movement, a coalition of political parties, many Marxist, which stood in opposition to the rightist government. As tensions deepened, in 1974, Sadr's Movement formed a militia which came to be known by its acronym AMAL (Arabic for "hope").
In Iran, revolution was in the air. The US advised the Shah to make accommodations with the Freedom Movement of Iran and the newly revived National Front, which favored a constitutional monarchy. Their hope was to cleave the secular factions from the more conservative clerical opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini and his Council of Islamic Revolution. Nothing, however, could save the Shah. He fled and the revolutionary forces seized power in February of 1979. Eight months later, US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinksi met with the FMI's Ebrahim Yazdi in Algeria. News of this meeting caused concern among supporters of the ayatollah that the secular revolutionaries were colluding with the Americans. Thus belatedly did the US succeed in sundering the revolutionary right from the left, but the provocation bolstered Khomeini's position and led to the storming of the American Embassy and the hostage crisis. The interim government dissolved and left the clergy in control.
Meanwhile civil war had begun in Lebanon. Sadr embarked on a tour of Arab states in the hopes of convening a summit to find a solution. In Libya, Sadr and two companions left their hotel for a scheduled afternoon meeting with Moammar Gaddafi and were never seen again.
Suspicion immediately fell on Gaddafi. He claimed that the three left Libya for Rome and met their fate there. This explanation was received with what in the guarded, circumspect world of diplomacy was unusually blunt skepticism. The imam's family, which has never believed Gaddafi's account, insisted that Italy was not on Sadr's itinerary, and given the purpose of his trip, he would have no reason to go there. Italian authorities investigated the matter and reported that as far as they could determine no one by the name of Sadr had entered Italy.
So what happened to the charismatic cleric and his companions? Since there is no evidence that they ever left Libya, the conventional wisdom is that Gaddafi had them killed. The Lebanese government indicted Gaddafi in 2008.
[18]
Who benefited from Sadr's removal? As an Arab, Lebanese, Iranian national, head of an armed resistance movement, leftist political activist, and imam, he had areas of mutual sensitivity and experience with many of the hostile parties in the Middle East. As an Arab he could have served as an emissary of the Iranian revolution to the Arab world. Sadr disappeared during the period when the US was maneuvering to split the opposition. With his connections to both the secular and religious revolutionary factions, he could have served as intermediary and thwarted the divisive plot.
Perhaps more importantly, it was through the mediation of Sadr and AMAL that the bond between the Assads and revolutionary elements in Iran was forged.
[19]
This unlikely entente persists to this day, much to the chagrin of the US and Israel.
In Lebanon, Sadr was succeeded at the head of AMAL by Hussein el-Husseini. Unfortunately he lacked the imam's appeal and never commanded the respect his predecessor enjoyed. He resigned, which paved the way for Nabih Berri.
Berri worked as a lawyer for General Motors in Beirut and Detroit. He left his home of two years in Michigan when Sadr disappeared and headed for Lebanon. He joined AMAL and served in varying capacities until he became its head when el-Husseini departed.
As leader, Berri moved AMAL to the right and eventually participated in the National Unity government with rightist Rashid Karami. His policies were anathema to rank and file members who saw them as a betrayal. They left the organization in numbers and formed a new defense organization--Hizbollah. These defections marked the end of AMAL as a force in Lebanese life. What had been an inspired popular resistance movement declined into moribund irrelevance under Berri.
Why would Gaddafi have Sadr killed? They had much in common. They both professed Islam and socialism, they were natural allies. Sadr's disappearance occurs during that period when Edwin Wilson is selling Libya weapons and "former" agents of American intelligence and armed services are training Gaddafi's goons and murdering his opponents. For those who entertain the idea that Gaddafi has, at least at times, acted at the behest of imperialist interests, this incident is instructive. Sadr was an enemy of two governments allied with Washington and Tel Aviv, it was they who had the most to gain from his demise. Even if Gaddafi was taken unawares, and Sadr was slain by Wilson's thugs, he had to know who was responsible and should have acted accordingly. Instead he reacted with apathy and silence. If Sadr was assassinated, which seems quite likely, then Gaddafi is at the very least an accessory.
Former Gaddafi loyalist Major Abdel Moneim al Houni has said that Sadr was killed on Gaddafi's orders and is buried in southern Libya.
[20]
Other recent Libyan defectors have claimed that the imam is still alive and being held in prison.
[21]
There is even one account of the imam being hurriedly boarded onto a small aircaft
[22]
 Sadly, it is much more likely that Gaddafi has Elvis under lock and key as the rock star's discovery would pose less a danger to the regime than the imam's. It is reasonable to speculate that once detained, the unfortunate cleric would have been aggressively interrogated and his brain emptied of all that it knew of the revolutionary cells in Iran and Lebanon. It is possible that they kept him alive for a time as events unfolded in the region, but once AMAL had been successfully corralled and the clergy had triumphed in Iran, Sadr would no longer be of any value. Ironically, it may have been the ascent of his in-law, Ayatollah Khomeini, which sealed his fate.
Lockerbie
In December of 1988, Pan Am flight 103 burst into pieces over Lockerbie, Scotland when a bomb exploded in its cargo hold. Two hundred and seventy were killed. The US first pointed its finger at Syria, more specifically Ahmed Jibril and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, the Marxist militia then enjoying Syrian protection.
[23]
Later they blamed Iran.
[24]
They accused the Islamic republic of perpetrating the outrage in retaliation for the USS Vincennes' "accidental" shooting down of Iranian Air flight 655.
[25] Then, finally, they settled on their favorite foil--Libya. Again revenge was said to be the motive and the US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi the provocation.
From the very beginning there were doubts. Locals were especially incredulous as what they were hearing from their government differed from what they had experienced. Many residents of the small Scottish town reported seeing a number of officials with American accents on scene within an hour of the crash. These men walked among the debris and removed several items.
[26]
 No mention of this was ever heard in media reports and the US government denied having investigators at the crash site that quickly. Among the most vocal of the skeptics was Lockerbie's representative in parliament, Tam Dalyell, and local pastor, Rev. Patrick Keegans, of the Holy Trinity Church.
[26,27]
Some of the victim's families filed a law suit against the airline. Pan Am's insurer hired Interfor. According to its "about" web-page, Interfor, Inc. is an international investigation and security consulting firm offering comprehensive domestic and foreign intelligence services.
[28]
 Their detailed report makes no mention of Libya.
[29]
Maggie Mahar of Barron's, John Picton of the Toronto Star, and Ian Ferguson and John Biewen of America Radio Works also looked into the bombing and likewise determined that Libya played no part.
[30]
 Vincent Cannistraro, who investigated the matter for the CIA, told the New York Times that it was "outrageous" to blame the Libyans.
[31]
While the conclusions of these four inquiries differ, they all contend that drug-runners with deep ties to American intelligence services committed the horrific crime. The motive was to silence the Defense Intelligence Agency's Major Charles McKee and his team who had left their mission in Lebanon without authorization, and who had resolved to expose the illegal trafficking in narcotics.
[32
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait. In its preparation for war, the US solicited and received support from Syria and Iran. It was at this point that new evidence in the Lockerbie case came to light. Syria and Iran were exonerated, and Abdelbasset Ali al-Megrahi, head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines, and Lamen Khalifa Fhima, station manager for the airline in Malta, were indicted in US District Court. Gaddafi refused to extradite them but in 1993 agreed to hand the two men over for trial before three Scottish judges in Holland. The US and UK at first rejected the proposal but eventually yielded in 1998. The trial began in May of 2000.
As the date approached, the US AND UK had two obstacles to overcome: the absence of evidence against the defendants; and the mutinous chorus of disgust, increasingly audible, wafting up from the usually taciturn intelligence underworld. Cannistraro's unhelpful remarks to the press may have been a faux pas, but many of his colleagues, enraged by the loss of so many confederates, were defiantly voicing their disbelief. In order to quell this rebellion and prevent further embarrassing revelations, the US muzzled its intelligence community.
[33]
As for the lack of evidence: The three most important witnesses against the Libyans, Toni Gauci, Edwin Bollier, and Ulrich Lumpert, have admitted to perjury, with Gauci and Bollier disclosing they were offered enormous sums.
[34,35,36]
The allegation was that the two men conspired to place the bomb upon the aircraft in retribution for the US attack on Libya in 1986. This theory was dealt a blow when just weeks before the trial was set to begin, the chief prosecutor, Lord Hardie, resigned in dismay claiming he had been deceived about the strength of the Crown's case.
[37]
His replacement called over a hundred witnesses, almost all of whom were British and American intelligence agents. In a decision which seemed incongruous even to supporters, the judges ruled that one defendant, Megrahi, was guilty of conspiring to blow up the plane while his alleged co-conspirator was found to be not guilty. UN observer Hans Koechler called the decision "arbitrary" and "inconsistent" and "a travesty".
[38]
In 2003, the deal was struck in the Rothschild villa in Corfu. In exchange for the lifting of sanctions, Libya agreed to accept responsibility for Lockerbie, pay billions in reparations, and open up its markets to foreign investment.
Conclusion
Even if we grant Gaddafi the benefit of the doubt and stipulate that he resisted as long as he could, his capitulation has been absolute. He has conceded everything. He has come to complete accommodation with the same forces which imposed the crippling sanctions, framed Megrahi for Lockerbie, and now loot Libya through usurious oil contracts. It is hard to square this acquiescence with socialism. As it now stands, his relationship to capital differs in no meaningful way from that of King Idris, save that Gaddafi claims the mantle of revolutionary.
Was Gaddafi defeated? Or has he been on the winning team all along? His career is mixed, with self-interest being its dominant theme. Never was this more manifest than in his squalid defense of Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Nothing could be more definitive.
When the Dark Ages finally come to an end, and the history of universal human suffrage can at long last be written, Moammar Gaddafi will have no place in it.
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رئيس الوزراء المصري دشن "المشروع القومي الثالث" من الساحل الشمالى..
محلب يستعرض تصورات تنمية الساحل الشمالي الغربي وظهيره الصحراوي